Malcolm Kirkpatrick
Banned
- Joined
- Jan 20, 2006
- Messages
- 4,046
Flo, Thanks for the correction. While I like Gatto, I'm wary of his unattributed factual assertions. He makes several provocative assertions in his Underground History of American Education that I'l like to believe but won't take on faith. The Switzerland assertion came from a Liberty article. I should have checked it.
E.G. West wrote Education and the State, "School Vouchers in Principle and Practice" (the World Bank Research Observer, Feb. 1997), and a survey history of compulsory attendance laws in Britain and the US. Here's part of the set-up to "School Vouchers:..."
E.G. West
"Education Vouchers in Principle and Practice: A Survey"
The World Bank Research Observer, 1997-Feb.
Anyway, support for vouchers could be Friedman's fall-back position or a transition phase to an unsubsidized, competitive market in education services.
Years ago, Ivan Illich wrote that a compassionate society would have in its constitution a clause like the First Amendment to the US Constitution as follows: "Congress shall make no law respecting an establishment of education". Real educational freedom for parents would require the repeal of compulsory attendance laws and also child labor laws and minimum wage laws, which put on-the-job training off limits.
I'll try to track it down.Friedman was interviewed by Reason in 2005, less than one year before his death, and I see nothing in this that indicates a move away from vouchers:...
I have seen articles suggesting what you say--that Friedman changed his mind on government funding--but I can't track down an original source for this. Perhaps you could provide one.
E.G. West wrote Education and the State, "School Vouchers in Principle and Practice" (the World Bank Research Observer, Feb. 1997), and a survey history of compulsory attendance laws in Britain and the US. Here's part of the set-up to "School Vouchers:..."
E.G. West
"Education Vouchers in Principle and Practice: A Survey"
The World Bank Research Observer, 1997-Feb.
West does not here discuss a problem with the "public goods" argument for charity (the third argument for funding: oversight of corporate functions is a publc good. The State is a corporation. Therefore, oversight of State functions is a public good which the State itself cannot provide. State assumption of responsibility for the provision of public goods transforms the free rider problem at the root of "public goods" analysis but does not eliminate it.In economics the three most quoted normative reasons for state intervention in education are to protect children against negligent parents, to internalize beneficial "externalities," and to ensure equality of opportunity. Compulsory education laws are generally regarded as satisfying the first argument for state intervention.
The externalities argument, to be completely persuasive, needs the support of evidence that externalities really exist and are positive at the margin-that is, that people outside the family unit are willing to pay for extra units of education beyond what parents would purchase. In the absence of formal or systematic evidence, most writers simply assume, explicitly or implicitly, that positive marginal external benefits do exist.
The third argument for intervention-the need to ensure equality of opportunity-reflects concern about the distributional implications of purely private provision. Richer parents are likely to spend more than poorer parents to educate their children, just as they spend more on cars, homes, and clothes. The view that children's life chances should not depend on the wealth of their parents or the fortuitous circumstances of the community in which they live is widely accepted. The prospect of upward mobility, of ensuring that one's children will be better off, has been a keystone of political support for the public school system in the past. This "equality" argument for intervention depends on the assumption that governments are best equipped to supply the appropriate institutions. But a public system that confines children to schools nearest their home or within administratively determined attendance zones can actually reduce mobility. And where the quality of public education is better in middle-class zones than elsewhere, upward mobility is obviously blocked. In other words, the public system can often narrow a child's options, forcing the child to attend an inferior school when a superior one may be physically within reach. One of the arguments for vouchers is that they enable families to break through these obstacles to give equal opportunity a genuine chance.
Anyway, support for vouchers could be Friedman's fall-back position or a transition phase to an unsubsidized, competitive market in education services.
Years ago, Ivan Illich wrote that a compassionate society would have in its constitution a clause like the First Amendment to the US Constitution as follows: "Congress shall make no law respecting an establishment of education". Real educational freedom for parents would require the repeal of compulsory attendance laws and also child labor laws and minimum wage laws, which put on-the-job training off limits.