THERE ARE, after all, clues that North Korea isn't socialist, which people who claim to have read Marx and Engels could have picked up on.
Take the inequality, for example. The weekly bar tab of the "Dear Leader" was reputed to be many times higher than the average North Korean's yearly income. Even discounting the exaggerations you'd expect from a hostile Western press, no one really disputes that the Kim family spared itself no creature comforts.
Or the succession process itself following Kim Jong-il's death. Supreme power passed to his son, as it had to him from his own father, Kim Il-sung, in 1994. That doesn't seem like the sign of a society where the masses have democratic control over politics and the economy.
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FRSO, for example, dwells on a system of social services that includes universal health coverage and education, as well as free housing. This record is remarkable for a country of North Korea's limited resources. It is not remarkable, however, for a country where the state controls everything. The state has to provide health care, education and housing, because there are no institutions outside the state--unless you count Kim's Workers Party, which is bound up with the state and permeates all aspects of North Korean life.
This is really what attracts these organizations to Kim's Korea. PSL, WWP and FRSO identify socialism with state control, pure and simple. They don't ask who controls the state. They may "prefer" that workers control the state democratically, but they don't deem workers' power to be an essential feature of socialism.
In this, they depart from the tradition of Marx and Engels that has always insisted that socialism meant "winning the battle for democracy," and that "the emancipation of the working class must be the act of workers themselves."