I'm puzzled why you don't think raising university funds through taxation will impact those in their 40s and 50s who have already graduated. They will contribute.
Funding university tuition through all taxpayers is regressive relative to funding it from contributions from graduates, whether via a graduate tax or future income-tested loans. Moreover (as all parties agree) the burden on taxpayers steadily increases over time relative to growth in total incomes as access expands (which all parties support). The latter issue is where older generations successively derive ("unfairly") more benefit relative to their contributions than younger ones do. Put simply, someone who is 64 will never end up paying the higher future taxes that would inevitably hit someone who is 22. Better to reform the system that risks that outcome for the 22 year old (particularly if they don't have a degree education)
I don't have kids but i think it's equitable that taxation goes to fund schools - it's for the good of society that it does.
But pragmatically there are limits to what society
can fund, and rationally there are things that it
does not need to fund because (i) it may not be socially desirable that everyone consumes the service and (ii) those that do (and who benefit society) will voluntarily and rationally pay some of the cost individually because they still come out ahead.
Funding lung cancer support will disproportionately benefit those people who choose to smoke, but i don't oppose it because i don't.
Unless you want to remove tobacco excise duty, your example doesn't work. That is levied specifically because of the cost that smoking imposes on the state and it is justified because it is smokers' voluntary choice due to their individual benefit from smoking. Smokers willingly pay excise duty because it is worth it to them.
University graduates benefit society, but they incur significant costs in the process. The net gain--on average--exceeds the cost, but most of it accrues to the graduate. Even if the costs are loaded onto the graduate (but income-tested) university students still willingly participate, and rationally so.
You may be of the opinion that a critical mass of would-be students will in future decide not to study because of fear of future debt, and that such students will disproportionately come from low income backgrounds. On the basis of objective evidence about UK graduate earnings (relative to secondary-level-educated earnings), and also logically following from the progressive mechanisms built into the proposed funding plans, that fear is not a rational one. Some people might still harbour it, but the state's role should not be to accommodate it financially IMO.
What about all the people who have already benefited from the service? Do they have no obligation to pay for it?
Plainly they don't have a legal obligation. There is a decent case that they have a moral one, yes. But it is hard to extract such a contribution other than via some kind of retrospective tax, which (IMO) violates greater principles of fairness. You have not actually suggested anything that would get an increased contribution from past beneficiaries
specifically.
Well, firstly i wouldn't regard any of our politicians as beyond centre right
Then your calibration is sufficiently different from convention that your assignment of "ueber right" is misleading.
See above in respect of retro-active taxes. But how would you actually do it, other than rule that any policy change that "lets off those who have already benefited" must be wrong regardless of its other merits?
Well I guess we fundamentally disagree about the role of the state
It doesn't seem so, but you draw the line in a different place.
I think that (i) the state
does not need to fund higher education for it to flourish, but (ii) it
does need to be income-redistributive in the way it obtains graduate payment in order to maintain access on the basis of academic ability, and (iii) funding services with highly concentrated benefits from a diffuse source is
socio-economically regressive in comparison to the foregoing.
IMO there has been no reasoned argument here--from anyone--about why (i) and (iii) are wrong.