Yesterday I said I would try to address Darth Rotor's post from page 1 (#34). It's not as complete as I would like, but here it is:
Darth Roter said:
A curious idea, yours, when you consider how warily the US populace views its own government, which is reasonably stable. What has the current government done to shore up its image as being trustworthy among the Sunni tribes? Among the Shia?
Try this article from the September 18, 2006, NYT.
Most Tribes in Anbar Agree to Unite Against Insurgents.
But please don’t confuse what I say needs to happen with what I think has happened or might reasonably happen.
Darth Rotor said:
This government, drawn from those very factions and tribes, is going to carry with it the same three way test for loyalty that US representatives and senators face: loyalty to country, loyalty to party, loyalty to constituency. It is a very hard balance to maintain. At the moment, the clearest loyalty is to faction/constituency and party. That leaves "country" (the toughest to sell back to one's constituency, particularly in a land with double digit unemployment -- 30-50 percent, depends on who is citing the figures.)
I absolutely agree with this idea, if not totally with the particulars. The on-the-ground military recognized early on that Iraq is in a very real sense still feudalistic. Again, there were excellent efforts made by various military units and by different offices of CPA to deal with this. What was absent, and what I will continue to point out was absent, was an overarching, unifying political approach that all these efforts could be brought under to support.
1st loyalty: Family
2nd loyalty: Tribe
3rd loyalty: Religious leader
4th loyalty: Country, if you insist
We cannot affect the first. We cannot supplant the 2nd or 3rd but we could have supplemented them if we had worked with them in an organized fashion. We can (could have?) affect the 4th only by demonstrating the government’s legitimacy. The first order of business in doing that is providing security to the populace. Second order of business is provision of basic services.
Darth Rotor said:
Consider Italy, the mid 1990's. In the Northern Half of the country, one of the small engines of the European economy was busy purring away, while in the southern half, (south of Rome) unemployment was between 15-20 percent.
Umberto Bossi garnered considerable support under a coalition based on Northern Italians (Lega Nord, Padania) and held quite a few seats in the parliament. I think they got near 10% of the seats, but memory is shaky.
This was around the time the centrist Romano Prodi became Prime Minister. They seem to hold around 6% of the seats in the Senate and Chamber of Deputies now, and are realigned with Berlusconi, who they helped boot out in the early 1990's. (Italian politics is most entertaining.)
I knew nothing of this. Thanks.
Darth Rotor said:
The core difference is that in Italy, folks are secure enough nowadays not to back up their passionately held political positions with arms.
Agreed. Which is why provision of that security in Iraq is paramount, if we’re serious about it.
Darth Rotor said:
Too many folks in Iraq are not.
See above.
Darth Rotor said:
The factions badly mistrust one another . . . perhaps for good reason.
The Sunnis mistrust the Shiia because the fear reprisals. Indications that reprisals will not occur can alleviate this.
The Shiia are angry and fear a repeat of disenfranchisement. And yet Ayatollah Sistani has been a voice of calm and reason, and his calls have been repeatedly heeded.
There remains hope, even if dim.
Darth Rotor said:
Take a look at the Rwandan civil war, and how a majority went after a minority: Hutus going after Tutsis. I don't doubt that many Sunni Iraqis, even those who are sick and tired of the foreign Al Qaeda groups, worry that a similar Shia led blood bath is inevitable, along similar lines, if the US departs and "let 'em play!"
See above.
Darth Rotor said:
You break it, you buy it. America bought it.
Agreed, but that’s an argument for staying, not for leaving.
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This probably isn’t new to you, DR, but just in case, and as a demonstration to others of techniques that can work, I refer you to Major Paul Stanton’s article,
Unit Immersion in Mosul: Establishing Stability in Transition, in the July-August 2006 issue of Military Review.
Speaking more generally, try Lieutenant Colonel Douglas Ollivant’s and First Lieutenant Eric Chewning’s article,
Producing Victory: Rething Conventional Forces in COIN Operations, in the same issue.
Finally, for a superb outline of the military aspect of successful counterinsurgencies, try Capt Zachary Martin’s article,
By Other Means, in the September 2005 issue of the Marine Corps Gazette.
Finding that article again led me to realize a mistake of mine from yesterday. I said “CORDS” was beginning to pay dividends in Vietnam. I meant “CAP.”