Rolfe
Adult human female
If you really want to get into the political motives behind Megrahi's release, you also have to consider the question of the appeal proceedings.
Megrahi applied for leave to appeal in 2003. Leave was not granted until 2007, a ridiculously long delay. There is an unusually detailed press release from the SCCRC giving four of the six grounds on which they determined there was a possibility of a miscarriage of justice. Further details of this matter are available, and there is pressure for the SCCRC to publish its findings in full. It's fairly clear from all this that the likelihood of the appeal being successful was rather high.
At the time (2007) it was anticipated that the appeal would come to court in 2008, however this didn't happen. Part of the reason was legal wrangling over a particular document or documents the defence wanted access to, which they believed would assist their client. Despite a court order ruling for disclosure, the government refused to do this, invoking a "public interest immunity" clause with stuff about the matter affecting Britain's relations with a foreign power.
I have NO IDEA what this is all about, except that there's something the government is extremely anxious should not leak out anywhere. The solution finally agreed on was something I've never heard of before. A "special advocate" was to be appointed who would be allowed contact with Megrahi and his defence team before being allowed to see the document(s), but then once he'd seen them, he would be allowed no further contact with defendant or defence lawyers, and he and he only would be allowed to put whatever points he thought relevant from these documents to the court. Presumably in camera, it never got that far. I never heard anything like it!
All this arguing was still going on when Megrahi was diagnosed with cancer in September 2008. The appeal finally got to court in about March 2009, however one of the judges fell ill about a month later, and the appeal was adjourned. By this time Megrahi himself was apparently quite ill, however instead of appointing a replacement judge to hurry things along, the court elected to adjourn until November 2009 to allow the sick judge to recover. The whole business with the compassionate release happened in August.
However, there's another wrinkle. Megrahi didn't have to withdraw his appeal in order to be granted compassionate release. Many people believe it's a great pity he withdrew it, because if the appeal had still been outstanding at the time of his death it would have been open to another interested party to continue with the appeal on his behalf. Thus we might have found out a bit more about this astoundingly murky affair in the end, regardless. But compassionate release wasn't the only possible vehicle for sending him back to Libya - the other was the prisoner transfer agreement negotiated by Tony Blair in the "deal in the desert" in May 2007. That was only possible if there was no outstanding appeal.
By the simple matter of dangling both possibilities in front of Megrahi, without making it clear to him that compassionate release was the way the government was likely to go, he was "persuaded" to formally abandon his appeal just before the compassionate release was announced. There is thus no easy way the affair can be further examined in court, no realistic possibility that the government will find itself in the embarrassing position of having nobody convicted of the Lockerbie atrocity, and no possibility that these contentious documents, whatever they are, will have to be made public.
Frankly, if it was possible for Kenny MacAskill to have given Megrahi prostate cancer, I'd suspect him of arranging it. "Convenient" doesn't begin to describe it. Before the diagnosis Megrahi himself - only about 57 - preferred to stay in Scotland and pursue his appeal. The prisoner transfer possibility wasn't attractive to him, because he wanted to clear his name. But when he realised he only had a short time to live, his priorities changed, and he became amenable to persuasion in order to maximise the possibility of getting home by one means or another.
I'm quite certain the deal in the desert was made with Megrahi in mind, and that the motive was oil - specifically a big oil deal signed by BP only days later. However, almost simultaneously with this, the Labour party lost the Scottish election to the SNP, and Blair found himself with a non-compliant SNP government in Holyrood instead of "how high?" Jack McConnell. The SNP were outraged at the disposition of Megrahi - a matter for the Scottish government alone - being horse-traded by Tony Blair for an oil deal. For this reason, it was never likely they would accede to a prisoner transfer, but the cancer development brought compassionate release onto the table as a more palatable solution.
The way Kenny MacAskill managed to go down the compassionate release route but at the same time secure the great prize - the withdrawal of the appeal - is a piece of political finesse worthy of Machiavelli. At one stroke, he both stymied the Westminster government's plans to force through a prisoner transfer (it was politically important the SNP not be seen to be doing what Westminster wanted), and got the appeal process halted.
Here endeth the second lesson.
Rolfe.
Megrahi applied for leave to appeal in 2003. Leave was not granted until 2007, a ridiculously long delay. There is an unusually detailed press release from the SCCRC giving four of the six grounds on which they determined there was a possibility of a miscarriage of justice. Further details of this matter are available, and there is pressure for the SCCRC to publish its findings in full. It's fairly clear from all this that the likelihood of the appeal being successful was rather high.
At the time (2007) it was anticipated that the appeal would come to court in 2008, however this didn't happen. Part of the reason was legal wrangling over a particular document or documents the defence wanted access to, which they believed would assist their client. Despite a court order ruling for disclosure, the government refused to do this, invoking a "public interest immunity" clause with stuff about the matter affecting Britain's relations with a foreign power.
I have NO IDEA what this is all about, except that there's something the government is extremely anxious should not leak out anywhere. The solution finally agreed on was something I've never heard of before. A "special advocate" was to be appointed who would be allowed contact with Megrahi and his defence team before being allowed to see the document(s), but then once he'd seen them, he would be allowed no further contact with defendant or defence lawyers, and he and he only would be allowed to put whatever points he thought relevant from these documents to the court. Presumably in camera, it never got that far. I never heard anything like it!
All this arguing was still going on when Megrahi was diagnosed with cancer in September 2008. The appeal finally got to court in about March 2009, however one of the judges fell ill about a month later, and the appeal was adjourned. By this time Megrahi himself was apparently quite ill, however instead of appointing a replacement judge to hurry things along, the court elected to adjourn until November 2009 to allow the sick judge to recover. The whole business with the compassionate release happened in August.
However, there's another wrinkle. Megrahi didn't have to withdraw his appeal in order to be granted compassionate release. Many people believe it's a great pity he withdrew it, because if the appeal had still been outstanding at the time of his death it would have been open to another interested party to continue with the appeal on his behalf. Thus we might have found out a bit more about this astoundingly murky affair in the end, regardless. But compassionate release wasn't the only possible vehicle for sending him back to Libya - the other was the prisoner transfer agreement negotiated by Tony Blair in the "deal in the desert" in May 2007. That was only possible if there was no outstanding appeal.
By the simple matter of dangling both possibilities in front of Megrahi, without making it clear to him that compassionate release was the way the government was likely to go, he was "persuaded" to formally abandon his appeal just before the compassionate release was announced. There is thus no easy way the affair can be further examined in court, no realistic possibility that the government will find itself in the embarrassing position of having nobody convicted of the Lockerbie atrocity, and no possibility that these contentious documents, whatever they are, will have to be made public.
Frankly, if it was possible for Kenny MacAskill to have given Megrahi prostate cancer, I'd suspect him of arranging it. "Convenient" doesn't begin to describe it. Before the diagnosis Megrahi himself - only about 57 - preferred to stay in Scotland and pursue his appeal. The prisoner transfer possibility wasn't attractive to him, because he wanted to clear his name. But when he realised he only had a short time to live, his priorities changed, and he became amenable to persuasion in order to maximise the possibility of getting home by one means or another.
I'm quite certain the deal in the desert was made with Megrahi in mind, and that the motive was oil - specifically a big oil deal signed by BP only days later. However, almost simultaneously with this, the Labour party lost the Scottish election to the SNP, and Blair found himself with a non-compliant SNP government in Holyrood instead of "how high?" Jack McConnell. The SNP were outraged at the disposition of Megrahi - a matter for the Scottish government alone - being horse-traded by Tony Blair for an oil deal. For this reason, it was never likely they would accede to a prisoner transfer, but the cancer development brought compassionate release onto the table as a more palatable solution.
The way Kenny MacAskill managed to go down the compassionate release route but at the same time secure the great prize - the withdrawal of the appeal - is a piece of political finesse worthy of Machiavelli. At one stroke, he both stymied the Westminster government's plans to force through a prisoner transfer (it was politically important the SNP not be seen to be doing what Westminster wanted), and got the appeal process halted.
Here endeth the second lesson.
Rolfe.
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