elbe
Illuminator
- Joined
- Jan 15, 2008
- Messages
- 4,983
You don't need any analogies to see the intent of this law.
A surgical abortion is the same procedure a woman would get if she was being treated for endometriosis, fibroid tumor, molar pregnancy, polyps, or heavy bleeding.
A d&c.
It's a very safe, low-risk procedure. For many uterine conditions.
With this law, when surgery is for the purpose of abortion, it requires all these extra safety requirements.
When it's for another reason, it doesn't.
Same procedure!
It would make more sense that the "non-abortion" uterine procedures have more risk since many of those women are much older and/or have a hysteroscopy at the same time.
But I understand if you guys want to talk about guns and stuff.![]()
Are the procedures you list generally done at clinics or hospitals? (I don't know, but I'm interested in the parallel you draw.)
These procedures can be done in a doctors office, outpatient clinic, or hospital.
Hospitals are like 10x the cost so I imagine they are required by emergency, patient choice, or the doctor deems the patient higher risk. I have no idea what the actual numbers are though.
You can google ob/gyn offices anywhere in TX and see that many of them provide D&C at the office.
You will also see they can do surgery with general anesthesia.
They are also allowed to do laparoscopic surgery, uterine ablation (turns the lining of the whole uterus into scar tissue), tubal ligation, and use lasers to remove cancerous cervical cells (LEET).
It's very common.
Fertility centers in TX do much of the above as well in their offices.
http://clearhealthcosts.com/blog/2014/06/much-abortion-cost-draft-theresas/We found cash or self-pay first-trimester surgical abortion fees generally range from around $300 to $1,200.
IF that's the case, then I can see two arguments from the Texas legislator side. First, if patients have a choice between a clinic and a hospital for care, then the patient can decide where to get the procedure done. But this is not a choice with an abortion if hospitals are unwilling to do them. Second, they could respond that they will be examining these other procedures and may pass similar legislation but haven't yet got to it.
Overall, the tu quoque won't work though, since abortion can be evaluated as a standalone item. Otherwise (from the anti-abortion point of view) it's making the perfect the enemy of the good.
Do you think a hospital is safer? Do you think having a doctor use hospital equipment and personnel he isn't familiar with, without any other risk factor, is really safer?
This law couldnt be clearer on intent.
It wants to unconstitutionally burden a womans' right to abortion services by targeting abortion clinics with undue restrictions, specifically, immediately, and separately from other outpatient surgical facilities, to the point they have to operate at tremendous costs or close immediately, as part of a pro-life agenda.
If you try to remember recent Pro-Life activities since the early 1990s you will find one shocking fact. Most, if not all, legislative/political activity has centered around not ending abortion once and for all but in only ‘limiting abortion.’... The Pro-Life Movement, for the past 20 years, has been focused mainly on “Limiting Abortion” – a strategy that can never end legalized abortion. Link
Anti-abortion proponents are making progress. On Tuesday, the 5th Circuit U.S. Court of Appeals upheld key parts of a Texas law that could soon close about half of the remaining abortion clinics in the state. (Over half have already been shuttered there since 2012.)
Noah Feldman at Bloomberg View says the law stands a fair chance of remaining intact if it reaches the Supreme Court. Abortion is "subject to death by a thousand cuts," he writes, thanks to the court's 1992 decision in Planned Parenthood v. Casey. The "ad-hoc" language in that ruling "invited states to pass laws that were not formally directed at limiting abortion, but that incidentally made abortion harder to come by," notes Feldman. In other words, laws like Texas's HB2.
Casey created "a sliding scale" for judges to decide the constitutionality of abortion restrictions, and Justice Anthony Kennedy (and his politics) will likely tip that scale if the issue comes before the court. Says Feldman, "If Kennedy judges that the politics of abortion have moved in the direction of making it harder to get abortions in practice while preserving the right in principle, he might well uphold the Texas law." Link
The unconstitutionality remains to be determined by the court. That's the point of having a Supreme Court. I'm willing to accept their decision - one way or the other - as authoritative. Are you?
IF that's the case, then I can see two arguments from the Texas legislator side. First, if patients have a choice between a clinic and a hospital for care, then the patient can decide where to get the procedure done. But this is not a choice with an abortion if hospitals are unwilling to do them. Second, they could respond that they will be examining these other procedures and may pass similar legislation but haven't yet got to it.
Overall, the tu quoque won't work though, since abortion can be evaluated as a standalone item. Otherwise (from the anti-abortion point of view) it's making the perfect the enemy of the good.
You are arguing that these legislators made these laws in good faith (the safety of women.) This is about reducing access to abortion services.
Texans should not be allowed to restrict abortions.
Why not? Every other state restricts them.
Is the difference between "someone performing an abortion should be a doctor" and "someone performing an abortion needs wide hallways" list on you?I don't think it matters. Let me see if I can break it down.
1) The right to an abortion is not a specific right in the Constitution, but a derived right by way of a Supreme Court decision. This means, in part, that it has more wiggle-room than more clearly delineated rights. We might look at how the commerce clause has been extended for examples.
2) Even those rights which are laid out more-or-less "as written," like the right to keep and bear arms, can still be regulated and have been.
3) The question then isn't between a complete "hands off" abortion and a ban, but how far legislators may restrict abortion services.
4) #3 does not depend on intent or motivation, merely on outcome. If I'm correct in this, the arguments about, "this is for women's health" vs. "this is a political ploy" are moot.
5) Texas is able, in the normal course of legislative affairs, to regulate the practice of medicine in Texas.
I think it's fine to assert that legislators are being sneaky bastards and attempting to use a loophole to shape the way abortions are provided in Texas. But so what? Shouldn't Texans be allowed to use the rules, whatever those rules turn out to be (by way of the Supreme Court) to accomplish the objectives they feel are important?
Consider that we already accept the same "flavor" of rules when it comes to abortions - I am not licensed to practice medicine in Texas. It would be illegal for me to offer abortion services from the back of my van there. I cannot claim that disallowing my "ready to go coat hanger" method unfairly restricts abortion, nor do I have to require Texas to demonstrate that I am endangering women, or any other thing. I am not licensed to practice medicine. Performing an abortion requires such a license. Case closed. It doesn't matter if Texas requires a medical license because they want to minimize abortions - we accept they have the duty to regulate the practice of medicine in their state.
...But so what? Shouldn't Texans be allowed to use the rules, whatever those rules turn out to be (by way of the Supreme Court) to accomplish the objectives they feel are important?...