Perhaps a fair question would be to ask, why did the ambassador decide to leave the security of Tripoli with (allegedly) only a single bodyguard, and travel to an area that in his own diary he called alarmingly dangerous?
According to
the initial State Department briefing on September 12,
With regard to Chris’s trip to Benghazi, as you know, he made regular and frequent trips to Benghazi so that he could check up on developments in the east. You know that he had been our representative – the Secretary’s representative and the President’s, to the Transitional National Council before the fall of Qadhafi and had spent a lot of time in Benghazi and built deep contacts there. So this was one of his regular visits that he made periodically.
With regard to the security arrangements, I think you will understand that we never talk in detail about how our security is arranged. And we particularly don’t talk about security arrangements for – personal security arrangements for senior level personnel.
What I can tell you is that security in Benghazi included a local guard force outside of the compound on which we rely, which is similar to the way we are postured all over the world. We had a physical perimeter barrier, obviously. And then we had a robust American security presence inside the compound, including a strong component of regional security officers. But I’m not going to go any further than that on the specifics.
There were about 25-30 personnel total in Benghazi (not counting the local Libyan guards or the reinforcements that arrived later from Tripoli). According to Ambassador Stevens' own
Benghazi Weekly Report sent on 9-11-12, "The Ambassador will open American Space Benghazi, a public platform for cultural and educational outreach by US Mission Libya", which would include a small library and a computer lab. The Report also noted that the Ambassador met with the Benghazi Local Council.
(As a side note, when asked about the "Innocence of Muslims" video during that briefing (by the Fox News reporter, no less), the response was:
With regard to whether there is any connection between this internet activity and this extremist attack in Benghazi, frankly, we just don’t know. We’re not going to know until we have a chance to investigate. And I’m sorry that it is frustrating for you that so many of our answers are “We don’t know,” but they are truthful in that.
When asked by the Foreign Policy reporter about "protests", the response was:
With regard to the protests – I assume you’re not talking about protests in Cairo, are you? You’re talking about protests in Benghazi?...Okay. We frankly don’t have a full picture of what may have been going on outside of the compound walls before the firing began. So I really just don’t have any specifics on that at the moment. I apologize.
In the State Department's
October 9 briefing, it's noted that Ambassador Stevens had arrived in Benghazi on September 10, and the evening of the attack had had a series of meetings that day, the last one with a Turkish diplomat. There are five Diplomatic Security special agents providing internal security, and four members of the February 17th Brigade (deputized by the Libyan government as the host government security force) providing external security. There is also a "rapid reaction force" at the CIA annex about a mile away (which, when the first attack happened, sent 6 American personnel and 16 more members of the February 17th Brigade to assist the 9 security personnel at the consulate).
At this briefing, it's also specifically noted, "Because of the – this was a post and not a – and we – this post held no classified documents. They had computer communications with Washington, but the material would arrive on the screen and you would read it on the screen, and then that was it. There was no classified paper, so there was no paper to burn."
And even though this was the same briefing that was so famously and widely quoted as having State Department personnel say "That was not our conclusion" when questioned about whether there was a protest over the video outside the consulate that preceded the attack (which was what prompted Cylinder to start this particular thread), those very same State Department personnel
also say at this briefing, "As in terms of the – of any kind of security threat, the – both ODNI spokesman and the DNI have been correctly quoted as saying that there was no actionable intelligence of any planned or imminent attack."
Yes. So why wasn't the ambassador's security team strengthened?
At that same October 9th briefing, a Bloomberg reporter prompted the following exchange:
QUESTION: Hi. Did the Ambassador – before the attack, did the Ambassador request that security be increased in Benghazi? And if so, did anything ever come of it?
SENIOR STATE DEPARTMENT OFFICIAL NUMBER TWO: The – when the Ambassador traveled to Benghazi, he traveled with two additional security agents over and above the complement of three who were assigned to post. So there were five agents with him there rather than the two who are normally assigned there – the three who are normally assigned. So they were up two.
MODERATOR: Okay. Thank you. Next question, please.
OPERATOR: The next question comes from the line of Jo Biddle with AFP. Please go ahead.
QUESTION: Thank you very much. The two people who died in the compound – in the annex, excuse me – were they part of the five security agents you’ve mentioned, or were they separate to that? And how many people did you have to evacuate that night from the annex?
SENIOR STATE DEPARTMENT OFFICIAL NUMBER TWO: Because – since unfortunately we couldn’t fit everything on one compound, we had two – the principle compound and the annex. We had – therefore, had our security professionals divided between the two compounds.
And, at the end of the briefing, that issue was raised again:
OPERATOR: Certainly. Our next question is from the line of Chuck Todd, NBC News. Please go ahead.
QUESTION: Can you at least explain the process by which if a request for more security comes in, how that’s – how you go about determining resources, so in the instance of the reports that more security was requested by the folks in Libya, can you sort of walk through how that process works?
SENIOR STATE DEPARTMENT OFFICIAL NUMBER TWO: Certainly. The – this is sort of an iterative process, a discussion between the field and Washington, back and forth; the field identifying what their needs are, Washington working very, very closely with them. We always attempt to mitigate our risk. We cannot eliminate them. Sometimes the post – any post in the world might come in and say, “We need A, B, and C,” there would be a dialogue, and instead of sending them A, B, and C, we would send them B, C, and D because in this discussion process, we go to functionality, and when we determine the functionality that gets us the maximum – a maximum possible security, then we – that is what we deliver to the post.
MODERATOR: Okay. Thank you. I feel like I just ignored Shaun. I know you dropped off. If you’re still on, you get last chance here, buddy.
OPERATOR: And our last question does come from Shaun Waterman, Washington Times.
QUESTION: Hello?
MODERATOR: Yes, Shaun. Go ahead, buddy.
QUESTION: Oh, hey. Okay. Thanks, man. So could – I mean, just in view of what you are now saying about the attack and the intensity of it and the numbers of people involved, what – can you say what kind of security presence might have been needed to repel an attack like that? I mean, what – I mean, if the criticism is there wasn’t enough security, how much would you have needed to protect the compound from this attack?
SENIOR STATE DEPARTMENT OFFICIAL NUMBER TWO: It is difficult to answer hypothetical questions, but let me just put it this way. The lethality and the number of armed people is unprecedented. There had been no attacks like that anywhere in Libya – Tripoli, Benghazi, or elsewhere – in the time that we had been there. And so it is unprecedented. In fact, it would be very, very hard to find a precedent for an attack like that in recent diplomatic history.
In addition, the Benghazi Report linked above notes that the Benghazi Local Council is specifically noted as "assert[ing] that the security situation was improving and told the Ambassador that the USG should 'pressure' American companies to invest in Benghazi.", and that a "state of maximum alert" that had been imposed on Benghazi on August 29th (for fears that ex-regime supporters would strike on the September 1st anniversary of Qadhafi's rise to power) had been ended on September 2nd.
The Report does note that several local militias were threatening to stop carrying out their security duties in Benghazi if Mahmoud Jibril were named Prime Minister of Libya, but also describes only violence and conflicts between various Libyan factions, and does not highlight any threat to the US Mission or other Western forces (indeed, the theme of "encouraging increased American business investment in Benghazi" is hit on repeatedly in the memo).
It doesn't mention any worries about the US Mission's own security situation, nor does it make any request for increased protection or personnel.