I think that would be difficult as I've always found Chomsky's statements to be such a mixture of vagueness and emotion that both his supporters and his detractors often attribute to him statements much more radical than what he said, yet not, what I suspect, he necessarily intended.
He has a knack for taking vaguely left-of-center positions and making them sound like he believes Che Guevara is a reactionary.
Personally, I find many of his analogies childish in the guise of sophisticated analysis.
For example, in this
analysis of Latin American politics, he compares the recent Bolivian election of Evo Morales, who he lauds merely because he is from the lower class, with the election ebtween Kerry and Bush, two children of privilege. Presumably, the fact that out candidates are wealthy and educated is considered contemptible, while the election of uneducated but "common" Morales is worthy. It's simplistic class-conscious reasoning in the extreme.
And of course, although the article -- talking about the maturation of Latin American democracy -- really has little to do with the US, Chomsky can't help but digging at the US by claiming that "this shift is highly unwelcome in Washington." Which, of course is a gross and inaccurate
overgeneralization. The Bush administration is wary of Morales' ties and support of the indisputably undemocratic Cuba, and of his association with the conspiracy-theorist paranoic Hugo Chavez. That America has fine relations with many other "mature" Latin democracies, such as Costa Rica, Ecuador and Peru is, of course, inconsequential.
I find this to be typical of Chomsky's articles. They sound pretty, but the facts are usually skewed, if not outright wrong. He tosses in off-hand class-conscious comments about "imperialist" America or neo-colonialism, even if it has no obvious connection to the topic (or reality).
Another example is
this article, a self-contradictory defense of Iran's nuclear program. On the one hand, Chomsky argues there is no evidence that Iran's program is anything but peaceful. On the other hand, he claims that Iran's pursuit of nuclear weapons is totally justified because Israel has made "very credible" threats to Iran's security (I'm not aware of any) and because the West hasn't taken "good-faith" efforts to eliminate nuclear weapons, even though the US' nuclear sotckpile has been
falling steadily since 1988.
Or this historicaly inaccurate
article in which he bizarrely claims that "at last" Asia and Latin America are leaving America's "grip." And by finally, he means since World War II, which is really odd, since I'm pretty sure China was never in America's grip after World War II, and if anything, most other Asian conuntries are pretty cozy with America -- particularly South Korea, Japan, Taiwan, Singapore -- mostly out of fear of a strong China or a nuclear North Korea. As for Latin America, what he really means is Hugo Chavez' Venezuela, ignoring the fact that most Latin American nations -- even Chavez' friend in Bolivia -- want stronger ties with America. Of course, this entire article is predicated on the very questionable assumption that having ties to America (and the benefits of trade that come with it) are bad.
He's become a darling of the American radical left, I suspect, because he is a very good writer who tells them what they want to hear, much like Patrick Buchanan and the American radical right. And much like Buchanan, when you scratch the surface, there's little research and very little logic to the arguments. Particularly, there is absolutely no enunciation of the premises of the argument, which must be ferreted out. But inevitably, those premises come down to American policies are presumptively flawed.