It matters quite a bit why marriage laws were put into effect if your argument is going to be that the state uses marriage as a method to promote procreation.
As an aside, terms like "obvious" or "common sense" are red-flags to me in debates. They usually indicate that the speaker cannot or has not thought out how something is "obvious" or why it is "common sense". I'm not saying that is the case here, but if it is "obvious", it should be easy to explain and back up with evidence.
In this case, it IS obvious, or at least should be. The state has an interest in promoting and supporting procreation, for the simple reason that bad things happen to states which experience demographic declines, and states have an interest in promoting the welfare of their citizens. I'm not sure how much more basic I have to get than that, and I don't know what piece of that statement you think needs evidence to support it.
Now, a state interest exists INDEPENDENT of whether or not the state acts on that interest, or even if anyone in the state recognizes it as an interest. In our case, the state has an interest in promoting marriage, because marriage enhances the welfare of children raised by married parents, and benefits society as a whole. Do you contest that this benefit exists? If you do not, then the state interest is axiomatic: it does not matter for the argument whether that's why any particular group of people chose to enact whatever marriage laws exist, the interest is still there.
So there's only two factual points here:
1) marriage benefits the welfare of children raised within that context
2) states suffer if they experience demographic decline
That's the factual basis - everything else follows either logically or axiomatically. Do you really need citations for those?
If you consider child rearing to be a part of procreation and you do not consider the ability to conceive a child a requirement to raise a child, then wouldn't it be reasonable to say that same-sex couples can engage in at least part of procreation? Wouldn't it even be reasonable to say that same-sex couples can engage in the majority of procreation act? That is to say, 18+ years out of the required 18 years, 9 months?
Sure. And I even pointed out (repeatedly) that there's an opportunity in this to make a counter-argument, but you're still not actually making it, you're just hinting at it.
This is where we disagree and, really, the heart of the debate. If sexuality were truly irrelevant to marriage law, there would be no sexual requirements to the law. There are sexual requirements, so sexuality is relevant.
No, there are sex requirements to the law. There are NO sexuality requirements to the law. That may be a technicality, but the law often hinges upon technicalities.
For this thread, yes, but this thread is not the reason that a Constitutional amendment has been proposed to keep this one subset of the citizenry from participating in these benefits.
This is, of course, not your argument, but does this raise any warning flags in your head that this one group is being singled out?
If you're looking for acknowledgement that some people are motivated by bigotry, you've got no argument from me. Of course some of them are. And not only have I not presented any argument for a constitutional amendment, I've rather specifically argued that constitutional amendments of any kind are the wrong solution to the problem.
Well, yes "again" in that procreation is even a purpose for marriage law. It is this that no evidence has been provided.
"Purpose" is unimportant and ambiguous, and can even change with time. That change does not invalidate a law. What matters is that there be an interest in the issue covered by the law. And such an interest DOES exist, regardless of whether or not that interest is why the laws in question were established. Like I said: I don't care why things were done in the past, the only relevant question is why we should do them in the future.
As I said, there is no reason to. It is your claim and it is up to you to support it. Until then, I stand by my counter argument. You know, pretty much the only thing in that post you didn't address:
I did address that. I pointed out that there's no discrimination between citizens involved, because sexuality is never used as a test. The only claim on discrimination here is to couples, not individuals, but the government is not under any obligation to treat every group of citizens equal protection, only every individual citizen equal protection. The ONLY units which have ANY constitutional rights are individuals and states - no other units of citizens have any constitutional recognition.