And, finally, we are done. The argument stands here - you do not believe your logic for voting is in any way similar to anyone else's - so your actions will not in any way resemble theirs, even if you share motives and beliefs. You are a beautiful and unique snowflake, we must use no others when considering your beautiful uniqueness. Only your data point may reflect on your data point.
I want to admit I made several mistakes. I did not understand the snowflake argument you were making until last night. I have NEVER suggested that in a country of approximately 210,000,000 voters there could possibly be 210,000,000 different motivations. The largest number that appears in any of my posts is 1100 different motivations (in post #37). My first mistake was not making it more clear that I did not hold the position that every voter held a unique voting motivation.
My second mistake was overestimating the number that I actually gave. Eleven hundred, I now believe, is too big. I would say that the vast, vast majority of U.S. voters hold one or more of maybe 100 different motivations for voting or not voting in any particular election. My third mistake was dividing that number into two groups: trackable and untrackable. I now believe that these motivations can be placed on a spectrum where one end represents easily trackable motivations and the other represents more difficult to track motivations. In the hypothetical in post #23, GreyICE says that "information gathering, [allows] the political opinion of most of the inhabitants of the city, [to be known with] 95% certainty." That claim sounds reasonable to me so I will not debate it at all (in fact, if "most" were changed to "almost all" I still might not challenge it). However, it is important to note that it is not 100% of the electorate that can be predicted to a 100% level. Even 15 years from now, there will still be some variability in both the total number of voters classified and the confidence level associated with the prediction. I also want to note that at this point we are talking about the political opinions (e.g. I like moderate Democrats) of specific members of electorate, not the voting motivations (e.g I will turn out only if the pre-election polls show a difference of less than 5 points) of specific members of the electorate.
I believe that predicting these voting motivations is much harder than predicting political opinions. I think that in 2025, in a city the size of Harrisburg, in a mayoral election, one might get the clear majority of the electorate correctly predicted at a very fine level (e.g. approximately 76 of the 120 Democratic voters between 20 and 30 who earn less than $30,000 will turn out given the current conditions of the political race). But I also believe predicting exactly which 76 voters will show up (at a 100% confidence level) will be beyond the technology available in 2025. Maybe 50-80% of them can be correctly predicted, but I cannot believe that all 100% of them can be identified before the election. I base this belief on what I mentioned in the previous paragraph - some traits associated with voting motivations are very hard to track. I could go into greater detail here, but will only do so if asked.
My next mistake. I asked how 3000 voters could be moved from likely-to-vote to unlikely-to-vote by spending money. You responded by giving me an example in a presidential election. I will heartily concede the point that dropping one one-hundredth of one percent of the actual voters can be done in a federal election.
1 But I am more interested in the hypothetical. In the 2025 mayoral race in Harrisburg, the numbers you cited indicated that preventing as few as 1050 voters (7%) would change the results of the election. Specifically:
I can absolutely locate the EXACT PEOPLE in the 15,000 voters necessary to swing the election, and carefully demographically target the opposition voters with various information-related measures to disrupt their lives so they can't vote.
So I will ask that question now. How will you use the computer-generated results to prevent these specific 1050 voters from voting in this election? Obviously, you cannot falsely accuse them all of being felons. Without breaking the law, how will you "disrupt their lives so that can't vote."
So that's my question. In the hypothetical that you laid out, how will you do it?
_ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _
Here, let me give you a real world example:
http://archive.salon.com/politics/feature/2000/12/04/voter_file/
Using the most painfully sloppy of demographics (skin color), and the most heavy-handed tool (voter registration denial), this was already done. We're not talking about science fiction here, we're talking about last decade.
Of course refinements to the information available produce refinements to the methodology.
Lastly, I want to take issue with your final claim. How will future technology that will allow for better tracking of people allow unscrupulous registrars to maliciously pretend that voters are more untrackable to the point that they can be easily confused?
. . . . . . . . .
1) the example works only in one direction. Republicans used the technique to drop Democrats from the rolls. I doubt it could be used in the other direction.