Yes, they do tend to be extremely close. Again, why would I (as a candidate) spend dollars and time in Maine when I can get a bigger bang for the buck in NYC or Boston? You won't be seeing many if any town hall meetings and such in the future in Maine if all I'm likely to gain is a few hundred thousand votes.
That's nonsense. You won't be seeing any town hall meetings?? You're crazy. Of course you will because so-called town hall meetings are all theater anyway. What do you base your prognostications upon? Seriously, do you pay any attention to how other countries conduct their elections? These speculative concerns of yours are farcical, rooted in a particular history; you have your blinders on.
Admittedly, I have not paid much attention to European elections, and my lame excuse is that I'm an American. Europeans, however, are undoubtedly in a better position to make a more informed comparison and they always seem to conclude that our politics are whacky, and what I do know supports that contention. America was not always so inward-looking. Remember that Thomas Jefferson was in France during our Constitutional Convention. It's crazy how so many Americans' first impulse is to look at what the freaking Founding Fathers wanted or intended. Geez. Some traditions ennoble us, but this ancestor-worship, this fetishization of the past shares more in common with the most backward forms of Islam than the Enlightenment.
Yes, there is going to be a "bias" toward where people live because, again, people vote in elections. What makes this so impossible to understand? One person, one vote.
The poll you posted? You seriously don't want to start appealing to numbers ... especially those.
Well, this is surely one way to pussyfoot around the issue. Do you dispute my contention that conservatives are more in favor of the Electoral College? If so, say so. I do not need to appeal to any Internet poll, and this one is obviously not representative of the American public, which everyone on this board surely knows. I used it only as an immediate, concrete example because, in this respect, it reflects the reality.
Not even the same thing. I'm talking about regional candidates, not regional influence on candidates.
and here is what you said:
If anything, going to a national popular vote would likely create a situation where you could easily have regional candidates that are mainly concerned about catering to their own specific area to the detriment of the country as a whole. You don't think ... oh. lets say ... the Southern States wouldn't rally together as a group to their mutual benefit?
Ridiculous. Do you not see how a "regional candidate" appealing to "their own specific area" of the country" has something to do with regional influence? It biases the selection procedure. The last three Democrats to win national election -- Jimmy Carter, Bill Clinton and Al Gore -- all came from southern states. But here we're talking about a lot of overlap: it does not matter where the candidate comes from but the policies the candidate advocates; it just so happens the policies a candidate advocates tracks with where she comes from, especially since in modern elections the governorship is the usual route to the White House.
Many of the Founders were very concerned about regional candidates with a national popular vote. It was not viewed as being good for the country as a whole. You even help make my case with your very own words above.
Again with the Founders this and the Founders that. Spare me. If "regional candidates" are bad, provide free-standing arguments why regional candidates are bad. Tagging something with the endorsement or disapproval of the Founding Fathers is secondary at best, and must include the arguments behind the Holy Founders' belief.
What's just so unbelievably effed up about your argument is that the Electoral College AS IT STANDS favors regionalism? Have you looked at the blue-red maps? Kerry needed to pick Edwards because homeboy is "Southerner." My previous argument does not help your case at all. A large part of the problem with the civil war was exactly a state identity rather than a national identity.
Hardly. I just know better than to throw the baby out with the bath in this case. You nonchalantly present a national popular vote as the answer as if it doesn't carry it's own significant problems for the country, some that I view as worse than what we have ... and so did the Founders as a whole in their own time. Their wisdom, while very much dated and a compromise, is much more apparent than in the approach you take here in pushing for a national popular vote election.
The path to free, democratic elections involves more than any single reform. In addition to popular vote we should probably have something like weekend/holiday voting, instant run-off voting, campaign financing and some other things I cannot remember at the moment. Starting with the Founding Fathers we have a rich history of discrimination: property ownership, race, gender, age. Well, now it's time to ferret out another arbitrary distinction: the number of neighbors you have. One person, one vote.
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I did find the state case where a small number of people were elected a disproportionately large number of legislators. The Supreme court case was
Baker v. Carr (1962).
The New York Times carried an op-ed discussing it a couple years back because Alito apparently rejected the court's reasoning. Here are fun facts:
The one-person-one-vote principle traces to the Supreme Court's 1962 decision in Baker v. Carr. At the time, legislative districts had wildly unequal numbers of people, and representatives from underpopulated rural districts controlled many state legislatures. In Maryland, 14 percent of the voters could elect a majority of the State Senate, and 25 percent could elect a majority of the State House. In Alabama, the county that includes Birmingham, which had 600,000 people, got the same number of state senators - one - as a county with barely 15,000 people.
In Baker v. Carr, Tennessee voters challenged their state's unequal legislative districts, which had not been redrawn in 60 years. The Supreme Court had rejected a similar claim out of Illinois in 1946, saying it did not want to enter the "political thicket." But in 1962, the Warren court decided it had to enter the thicket to vindicate the rights of Tennesseans whose votes were being unfairly diluted. It ordered Tennessee's lines redrawn.
http://www.nytimes.com/2006/01/03/opinion/03tues3.html?_r=1&oref=slogin