I Am The Scum
Philosopher
- Joined
- Mar 5, 2010
- Messages
- 5,796
This is as naive as saying that police can only arrest guilty people.A non-citizen can be grabbed by ICE. ICE cannot grab a US citizen.
This is as naive as saying that police can only arrest guilty people.A non-citizen can be grabbed by ICE. ICE cannot grab a US citizen.
Why do you think it wouldn't?
How, exactly?Wrong again.
Axios reported that he was denied visitation with Garcia.Senator Chris Van Hollen
just met with El Salvador's Vice President Félix Ulloa, and get this...
The VP told Van Hollen that the reason they are holding Kilmar Abrego Garcia at CECOT is because the Trump administration is paying them to do so.
They also provided no evidence that Abrego Garcia is part of MS-13 or committed any crimes, just like the US government has not been able to do.
Trump is literally colluding with El Salvador to violate a Supreme Court order, and Republicans are silent!
I did not ask about ICE, a rogue outfit. I asked about the constitution.A non-citizen can be grabbed by ICE. ICE cannot grab a US citizen. State police and other authorities would step in if they tried such a thing. And if by some crazy chance a citizen was accidentally deported, the US State Department and embassy will have his back.
What reason would ICE have to be investigating the person we are discussing?If ICE say you are going then you are going. It's already happening.
What is that thing?I did not ask about ICE, a rogue outfit. I asked about the
constitution.
What reason would ICE have to be investigating the person we are discussing?
In other words, protests they don't like.. . . Potentially adverse policy consequences.
The Trump administration is seeking to deport a Columbia student because his activities could “potentially undermine” the Middle East peace process, according to a memo from Secretary of State Marco Rubio that was reviewed by The New York Times.
The student, Mohsen Mahdawi, 34, is a legal permanent resident who has spent a decade in the United States. Until this week, he had been in hiding, for fear that the administration would seek to deport him after he led pro-Palestinian demonstrations at the school. But on Monday he showed up at an immigration services center in Vermont, expecting to take the test that would allow him to become a naturalized citizen.
Instead, he was detained by Department of Homeland Security agents, who relied on Mr. Rubio’s memo as the justification for the arrest. Mr. Rubio cited the same law that has been used to justify the detention of Mr. Mahdawi’s fellow Columbia protester, Mahmoud Khalil.
The law, which Mr. Khalil’s lawyers have challenged in federal court, allows Mr. Rubio to initiate deportation proceedings against anyone whose presence in the United States can reasonably be considered to hurt American foreign policy goals.
Last week, an immigration judge found that Mr. Rubio’s memo alone allowed the Trump administration to meet the burden of proof necessary for deporting Mr. Khalil, whom the secretary accused of undermining the fight against antisemitism. The judge’s decision affirmed, for the time being, Mr. Rubio’s power to pick and choose which noncitizens — even those with legal residency — can be deported.
Evidence submitted by the Department of Homeland Security and reviewed by The Times did not include any allegations of antisemitism against Mr. Khalil himself, apart from the flat declaration in Mr. Rubio’s memo.
Mr. Khalil’s detention created an uproar, and his lawyers had already begun to mount constitutional challenges on behalf of their client by March 15, when Mr. Rubio’s memo concerning Mr. Mahdawi was issued.
Like Mr. Khalil, Mr. Mahdawi stands accused of undermining the U.S. foreign policy goal of halting antisemitism. But Mr. Rubio’s memo concerning Mr. Mahdahwi is different in several respects and more specific.
The memo asserted, without elaboration, that protests of the type Mr. Mahdawi had led could undermine the Middle East peace process by reinforcing antisemitic sentiment in the region and around the world and ultimately threatening a U.S. foreign policy goal of resolving the Gaza conflict “peacefully.”
OK, quote where in the consitution a tourist is a lesser person than a citizen. I believe the word person covers tourist.
History rather strongly disagrees.A citizen can't be exiled.
YOUR President, is looking to change that. He can find some loophole, some discrepancy in someone's naturalization application to justify making their citizenship null & void, and then deporting them for supporting peace in Gaza, or Gay rights in Russia, etc.A citizen can't be exiled.
I am not arguing against Due Process for migrants, legal or illegal.How, exactly?
Due process doesn’t just apply to criminal matters.Being detained pending possible deportation is not a criminal matter.
If a tourist is detained for a Visa violation, the issue does not go to criminal court. It goes to an immigration judge.
I never suggested otherwise.Due process doesn’t just apply to criminal matters.
You’re claiming that the entitlement to due process should vary according to criteria. That’s wrong per se. But you are also mentioning things like manner of arrival that you say should be part of those criteria. This is specifically wrong. It also happens to be Trump administration argument.I am not arguing against Due Process for migrants, legal or illegal.
I am not arguing about "should vs shouldn't". Im only stating what is.You’re claiming that the entitlement to due process should vary according to criteria...
It's a figure of speech. A term of art, even. I'm not interested in your desire to pick a fight with whoever seems likely. I'm not your dancing monkey.You have ZERO opinion about the President of the United States saying he supports the idea of deporting US citizens to foreign prisons that are notorious for violence and zero Due Process?
Interesting. Kinda sound like the "Good German" philosophy of 80 years ago.
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You’re trying to argue the existence of categories of person such that they are variously entitled to due process.I never suggested otherwise.