gumboot
lorcutus.tolere
- Joined
- Jun 18, 2006
- Messages
- 25,327
I confess still to a degree of skepticism, not of phenomena itself (that is, the disinclination to kill) but rather it's extent.
One wonders, if it's as widespread amongst the various militaries of the world (and history), how we much were able to kill anyone at all....
It's certainly not hard and fast. Various factors affect how powerful the resistance is. The more factors come into play, the easier it is to temporarily overcome the resistance. The greater the effort needed to overcome the resistance, the greater the resulting psychological trauma. At least that's the theory.
We do have all those historical battles with casualties running in the many thousands (or hundreds of thousands), many killed in very intimate ways indeed. Just recently archaeologists in Europe unearthed a mass burial site from some ancient war or other, and all the remains bore the signs of close-up and personal combat. (smashed skulls being popular).
I think one of the key angles of the book is that this is a myth we've created for ourselves. The battles for which we have good information indicate that the majority of people weren't killing each other. Of course these battles only go back a short way.
But even in very old battles, military historians will tell you that the overwhelming majority of combat deaths (which actually made up a small part of deaths in historic armies) occurred once one side had routed.
Another thing I've been thinking is what influence class structures may have in dehumanisation processes that can help overcome the resistance.
If you look at medieval warfare, killing between knights was rare, but knights killing peasants or peasants killing knights was much more common.
If you look at english longbowmen, they were more removed from their enemies than their fellow soldiers, meaning they would have a lesser resistance. This might help explain their legendary lethality.
As we've seen Romans employed a great deal of psychological warfare tactics, and also employed forms of "field artillery" (onagers, ballistas, etc).
Grossman contends that our perception of the lethality of the ancient warrior is totally distorted by story telling etc, and basically false.
I am inclined to hover elsewhere.
A big difference between ancient cultures and the more modern ones which he provides conclusive data for, is the role of the soldier in that society.
It has been a very long time in the west since the warrior had supreme status. Basically the collapse of the feudal system saw to this.
I suspect that a population's attitude towards their soldiers has an even greater affect on a soldier's ability to overcome their resistance to killing than Grossman proposes. At the extreme end, you would have absolute martial societies such as the Spartans of Ancient Greece. Not only was being a soldier the absolute pinnacle of achievement in Spartan society, but killing on the battlefield was considered noble and worthy of great praise. They didn't just praise their soldiers as soldiers, they praised them as killers.
At the other extreme end you have modern liberal society where soldiers are certainly not universally liked, let alone respected, let alone especially praised, and even those that do respect soldiers passively demonstrate distaste for the soldier's primary duty (killing) by refusing to acknowledge or talk about it (let alone reaffirm it).
I mean, very few modern westerners from the WW2 allied nations would disrespect their WW2 veterans, and the majority would consider them heroes, but when was the last time you ever heard an adult praise a WW2 vet for killing lots of enemy?
I early on mentioned Chuck Yeager's "10 percent" comment about fighter pilots. If my hypothesis about the percentage of the populace having little disinclination to kill is correct, then that 10 percent (or whatever figure it might be...) would have to be effective all out of proportion of their numbers.
Well, again, there is some evidence to support this. If you consider, for example, that in black powder battlefields (where there's evidence very few men shot at each other) there's also accounts of men firing 400 rounds in a battle. If you consider that 40 rounds was a typical infantry issue, and a musket is fouled so bad it cannot fire after about that many rounds, you've got men firing ten times the maximum number of rounds it should be possible for them to fire. Where did they get those additional nine muskets and nine full loads of shot? From nine of their fellow soldiers.
-Gumboot
).