That's nonsense. That would be effectively changing the procedure to amend the Constitution to the decision of the U.N. Security Council, or indeed (if one takes failure to veto as the same as consent) the authority of the U.S. Ambassador to the U.N. alone. The Constitution specifies the clearly burdensome process required to amend itself.
No, it wouldn't. Use of force by the United States government would still require Congressional approval. That approval was given when the UN Charter was ratified. COngress willingly stipulated to the provisions that require member-states to fulfill Security Counsel votes. The process is still the same: Congress needs to agree to military action.
Again, that may or may not be true, but your argument is the incorrect approach. THe issue is whether (1) that amounts to a delegation of Congressional authority and (2) whether that power is delegable.
Were I arguing this case, I would say that granting the UN such authority was an Unconstitional delegation of Congressional power, but that will revolve around how a ratified international charter operates within the context of American law. Generally we just ignore our international obligations, but here Obama would be looking to that international law to justify his behavior.
It could be an interesting debate, but it will never materialize. We will just ignore it and move on.
The U.N. Charter does not authorize Obama's use of force in Libya. (Again, a very strong argument can be made that it prohibits such use. Article II prohibits intervention into domestic affairs unless there is some threat to international peace, but that's another discussion.)
Who makes that determination?
Chapter VII Article 39:
The Security Council shall determine the existence of any threat to the peace, breach of the peace, or act of aggression and shall make recommendations, or decide what measures shall be taken in accordance with Articles 41 and 42, to maintain or restore international peace and security
The Security Council determined that Khaddafi's threats and subsequent actions were sufficient to merit peacekeeping intervention:
Should the Security Council consider that measures provided for in Article 41 would be inadequate or have proved to be inadequate, it may take such action by air, sea, or land forces as may be necessary to maintain or restore international peace and security. Such action may include demonstrations, blockade, and other operations by air, sea, or land forces of Members of the United Nations.
Seems pretty clear that this is within the discretion of the UN and they behaved according to the procedure laid out in the charter.
The other issue is NATO's role, which is another mess.
Nonsense. The legal argument against it is, as I have said, that the U.N. Charter does not authorize military intervention in Libya. The U.N. resolution that does that was not ratified by Congress. Period. The U.N. resolution does not supplant or displace Congress' authority to declare war.
The UN Charter, which has been ratified by the US Congress, requires that member-states carry out the decisions of the Security COuncil. THe Security Council voted to engage in military action in Libya. The president, as the executive with the duty to execute the laws of the land, acted pursuant to the Congressionally approved requirements of the UN Charter.
Again, that may or may not be right, but you haven't come remotely close to providing an actual legal argument against this.
Only if you first concede the point that the U.N. Charter authorizes this intervention in Libya--or constructively that Congress' ratification of the U.N. charter simultaneously substitutes for Congressional ratification of all resolutions the U.N. might pass in the future.
The UN Charter authorizes the Security COuncil to decide what is and is not a threat to the peace. The Security Council decided Qaddafi was threatening the peace and that immediate military intervention was necessary.
Why wouldn't Congressional ratification of the Charter approve future decisions by the Security Council?
So far your answer is "Constitution, Just cause."
Sorry, such an argument will never even make it to the SCOTUS because it is preposterous.
Then surely you can do a better job of rejecting it. You're just running on your opinion and have only referred to statutes and charters in the vaguest of ways.