Rolfe
Adult human female
The US senators currently spinning silly conspiracy theories about the compassionate release of al-Megrahi seem to be completely ignorant of a couple of quite important points. First, he really didn't do it. We've got a few threads here and there if anyone wants to challenge that. But second, it was the CIA and the US Department of Justice who deliberately framed him for the crime in the first place. With invaluable assistance from the Dumfries and Galloway constabulary and the Scottish Lord Advocate, I hasten to add. (I don't think the police realised they were framing an innocent man, but the prosecutors don't get off the hook that easily.)
When Megrahi and Fhimah were indicted in 1992, it was done largely on the basis of evidence the US authorities said they had, and they didn't show it to anybody. Here's the head of the CIA anti-terrorist unit who was in charge of the investigation, speaking before the trial.
Silence over Lockerbie
Well, if they had had that evidence, I'm sure everyone would have agreed it was an open and shut case. This was the basis on which the Scottish criminal justice system agreed to issue the indictments and bring the case to court.
All of that evidence was called Abdulmajid Giaka. Giaka was a garage mechanic who maintained JSO (Libyan Intelligence) vehicles, who had approached the CIA in August 1988 with a view to selling information for cash and favours. He grossly exaggerated his importance and position, and the quality of the information he could provide, but the CIA had very few Libyan agents, so they took him on. He named both Megrahi and Fhimah as JSO agents quite early (though he was probably wrong about Fhimah), and even reported that Megrahi had visited Malta on 7th December 1988 (the day he would later be said to have bought the clothes in Mary's House) before the actual incident.
He was interviewed on many occasions over the next three years, during the height of the Lockerbie investigation, but he didn't reveal any information of interest. The detectives didn't start to consider a Libyan connection until the autumn of 1990, and when they did, Giaka had nothing to do with it. He had still given them nothing about the bombing by February 1991, when the detectives started trying to get Tony Gauci to identify Megrahi as the purchaser of the clothes.
Paul Foot, who attended the whole trial, has written quite extensively about this aspect.
Flight from Justice (£5 paywall)
Foot goes on to describe Giaka's fantastic inventions about other matters, his lack of useful intelligence, and the pressure the CIA began to put on him to produce something to justify what he was being paid.
And that is where the overwhelming, mindboggling, excruciating detail came from.
None of this was revealed to the Scottish prosecutors until the early stages of the Zeist trial. Prof. Robert Black, Emeritus Professor of Scots law at the University of Edinburgh, an expert on the Lockerbie trial, describes the sequence of events.
The SCCRC decision also here
Paul Foot describes something of the hay that was made from this lot by Megrahi's defence team.
As a result, Giaka's evidence was thrown out of court.
So, it failed. How does this add up to the framing of al-Megrahi?
It certainly failed as regards Fhimah. There wasn't a shred of anything left against him: everything implicating him had come from Giaka, as transmittted in these cables. However, they didn't give up on Megrahi, because Giaka wasn't the only witness who was bribed and manipulated. I'll go into this in the next post.
Rolfe.
When Megrahi and Fhimah were indicted in 1992, it was done largely on the basis of evidence the US authorities said they had, and they didn't show it to anybody. Here's the head of the CIA anti-terrorist unit who was in charge of the investigation, speaking before the trial.
Silence over Lockerbie
Vincent Cannistraro said:Oh I think the evidence available to the Department of Justice in their case, which they're keeping under wraps, is overwhelming, it's conclusive. I think it is mind boggling in the amount of detail that they have. They have also.... they have a live witness for one thing, who would be presented in a court of law. I think there is a tremendous amount of evidence that will allow the prosecutors to present the chronology of the operation from its very inception, and that chronology would start even before Malta, go to Malta and then.... you know.... describe and in almost excruciating detail exactly how they made the bomb, how they secreted it, how they got it on board the aircraft, and I think that's a fairly strong case.
Well, if they had had that evidence, I'm sure everyone would have agreed it was an open and shut case. This was the basis on which the Scottish criminal justice system agreed to issue the indictments and bring the case to court.
All of that evidence was called Abdulmajid Giaka. Giaka was a garage mechanic who maintained JSO (Libyan Intelligence) vehicles, who had approached the CIA in August 1988 with a view to selling information for cash and favours. He grossly exaggerated his importance and position, and the quality of the information he could provide, but the CIA had very few Libyan agents, so they took him on. He named both Megrahi and Fhimah as JSO agents quite early (though he was probably wrong about Fhimah), and even reported that Megrahi had visited Malta on 7th December 1988 (the day he would later be said to have bought the clothes in Mary's House) before the actual incident.
He was interviewed on many occasions over the next three years, during the height of the Lockerbie investigation, but he didn't reveal any information of interest. The detectives didn't start to consider a Libyan connection until the autumn of 1990, and when they did, Giaka had nothing to do with it. He had still given them nothing about the bombing by February 1991, when the detectives started trying to get Tony Gauci to identify Megrahi as the purchaser of the clothes.
Paul Foot, who attended the whole trial, has written quite extensively about this aspect.
Flight from Justice (£5 paywall)
Paul Foot said:For many years before the Camp Zeist trial there were carefully-nurtured rumours that the CIA and the American Justice department had been taking care of a witness who would conclusively prove the guilt of the two defendants. [....] “What is the evidence which leads the US government and, in pathetic chorus, the Scottish Lord Advocate and his government in Whitehall to the certainty that the two Libyans are responsible? The answer is that they have ‘a witness’.”
When documents started to be revealed before the case, this witness turned out to be the garage mechanic Abdul Majid Giaka, who had been spirited out of Malta on an American warship soon after the Gulf War was over in July 1991. Down on his luck, irritated by his employers in the Libyan intelligence JSO, Giaka secretly approached the CIA in the American embassy in Malta several months before the Lockerbie bombing. For many months after the bombing he said nothing at all about Lockerbie, even when he was asked about it. The CIA’s rather bleak assessment of Giaka in all those months was sent back to CIA headquarters in the US by cable from Malta. [These cables were eventually admitted in evidence, which is how we know all this.]
Foot goes on to describe Giaka's fantastic inventions about other matters, his lack of useful intelligence, and the pressure the CIA began to put on him to produce something to justify what he was being paid.
Paul Foot said:It was obviously important for Giaka to impress his CIA contacts. He depended on them for money – he got a thousand dollars a month rising to $1500. The CIA showered him with gifts of clothing and radio sets, and even arranged for sham surgery to his arm. [To avoid conscription into the Libyan army.] But in spite of this largesse the CIA handlers in Malta got increasingly fed up with Giaka’s prevarications, and started to conclude he was not worth the money. By December 1990, their cables decribed Giaka as “desperate”. Somehow he managed to keep the CIA’s confidence all through the Gulf War but by July 1991 his situation seemed to be even worse.
The CIA contacted him in Libya, and he returned to Malta to meet them. He was told that a meeting had been set up with officials from the US Department of Justice, and that his future depended on what he disclosed at that meeting. Almost at once he started to barter with his handlers, only to be met with a threat that unless he could come up with something about his former colleagues in the JSO [Megrahi and Fhimah] that might incriminate them in the Lockerbie bombing, he would be abandoned in Malta and cut off without a penny.
And that is where the overwhelming, mindboggling, excruciating detail came from.
None of this was revealed to the Scottish prosecutors until the early stages of the Zeist trial. Prof. Robert Black, Emeritus Professor of Scots law at the University of Edinburgh, an expert on the Lockerbie trial, describes the sequence of events.
The SCCRC decision also here
Robert Black said:Charges would not have been brought against Megrahi (and Fhima) by the Crown Office had it not been for Giaka. And no representative of the Scottish prosecutors was allowed to interview Giaka until the run-up to the Zeist trial. In other words, the charges were brought and the indictment was drafted purely on the basis of what our American cousins told the Crown Office their Libyan defector would say.
When the Scots were eventually allowed access to him and discovered that he was a joke, they had two options: to abandon the prosecution or to try to convince the court that he was, after all, a witness of credit. To their eternal shame, they chose the latter.
Giaka's evidence was ultimately found by the court to be utterly untrustworthy. This was largely due to the devastating effectiveness of the cross-examination by defence counsel. Their ability to destroy completely the credibility of the witness stemmed from the contents of cables in which his CIA handlers communicated to headquarters the information that Giaka had provided to them in the course of their secret meetings. Discrepancies between Giaka's evidence-in-chief to the Advocate Depute and the contents of these contemporaneous cables enabled the defence to mount a formidable challenge to the truthfulness and accuracy, or credibility and reliability, of Giaka's testimony. Had the information contained in these cables not been available to them, the task of attempting to demonstrate to the court that Giaka was an incredible or unreliable witness would have been more difficult, and perhaps impossible.
Yet the Crown strove valiantly to prevent the defence obtaining access to these cables. At the trial, on 22 August 2000, when he was seeking to persuade the Court to deny the defence access to those cables in their unedited or uncensored form, the then Lord Advocate, Colin Boyd QC, stated that the members of the prosecution team who were given access to the uncensored CIA cables on 1 June 2000 were fully aware of the obligation incumbent upon them as prosecutors to make available to the defence material relevant to the defence of the accused and, to that end, approached the contents of those cables with certain considerations in mind.
Boyd said: "First of all, they considered whether or not there was any information behind the redactions which would undermine the Crown case in any way. Second, they considered whether there was anything which would appear to reflect on the credibility of Majid... On all of these matters, the learned Advocate Depute reached the conclusion that there was nothing within the cables which bore on the defence case, either by undermining the Crown case or by advancing a positive case which was being made or may be made, having regard to the special defence... I emphasise that the redactions have been made on the basis of what is in the interests of the security of a friendly power... Crown counsel was satisfied that there was nothing within the documents which bore upon the defence case in any way."
One judge, Lord Coulsfield, then intervened: "Does that include, Lord Advocate... that Crown counsel, having considered the documents, can say to the Court that there is nothing concealed which could possibly bear on the credibility of this witness?"
The Lord Advocate replied: "Well, I'm just checking with the counsel who made that... there is nothing within these documents which relates to Lockerbie or the bombing of Pan Am 103 which could in any way impinge on the credibility of Majid on these matters."
Notwithstanding the opposition of the Lord Advocate, the court ordered the unedited cables to be made available to the defence, who went on to use their contents to such devastating effect in questioning Giaka that the court held that his evidence had to be disregarded in its entirety. Yet, strangely enough, the judges did not see fit publicly to censure the Crown for its inaccurate assurances that the cables contained nothing that could assist the defence.
Paul Foot describes something of the hay that was made from this lot by Megrahi's defence team.
Paul Foot said:[William Taylor, QC for Megrahi] “You see the documents speak for themselves. They build up to a crescendo as I’ve described. It’s not me that is doing it. It’s the documents that are doing it. And lo and behold the deafening silence (about Lockerbie) ends the very next day, when you come up with a brown Samsonite suitcase and this rubbish about Customs. The very next day is the first mention by you, Giaka, of these matters. What do you have to say about that?”
Giaka could only stammer: “When I met with the representatives of the Department of Justice, they are very good investigators, and they can distinguish truth from lies. One way or another, they can obtain what they want.”
As a result, Giaka's evidence was thrown out of court.
So, it failed. How does this add up to the framing of al-Megrahi?
It certainly failed as regards Fhimah. There wasn't a shred of anything left against him: everything implicating him had come from Giaka, as transmittted in these cables. However, they didn't give up on Megrahi, because Giaka wasn't the only witness who was bribed and manipulated. I'll go into this in the next post.
Rolfe.
bastard, I'm talking to you) and his minions, it was the actual judges. At every possible turn, the judges chose the unlikely explanation which would incriminate Megrahi over the probable explanation which wouldn't. They were prepared to infer all sorts of wickedness on the part of Megrahi and his alleged co-conspirators without any evidence, but at the same time they rejected far stronger evidence of similar mayhem on the part of the alternative suspects as "not proven".