JoeTheJuggler
Penultimate Amazing
- Joined
- Jun 7, 2006
- Messages
- 27,766
When you're weighing whether or not a certain action is justifiable, doesn't the fact that there is a strongly-worded and unmistakable law saying that it may never be justified enter into your calculus?I'm perfectly willing to stipulate that as a matter of fact, torture (whatever the definition may be) is illegal under American law. I am in this thread, wholly uninterested in this point. As far as I'm concerned, this thread is about whether or not torture is effective; and by extension whether or not it is, in principle, justifiable.
That current law holds that it is unjustifiable under any circumstances, regardless of its efficacy, is a claim I accept wholeheartedly and without reservation. I have no objection to you returning to this claim in future posts. I hope that in the same spirit, you will not take offense if I ignore it.
It seems to me an exceptionally poor decision to ignore such an important point.
You don't have to try to read any understanding other than that which I've clearly stated. I brought up the Unabomber case specifically to refute the claims made that you can know for certain that torture is the only way to get information that will save lives.As I understand it, you're arguing that a certain course of action (in this case, "torture"), could reasonably not be taken, on the principle that some other course of action or event might achieve the same result for a lesser cost.
If you like, you can use the ticking-time bomb hypotheticals that have been raised in these threads. The trouble is, that I reject as impossible the claim that you know torturing someone will save lives. The reason I cite, aside from the fact that you don't know whether the info you get will be good (that is, you don't know at the outset--I realize you can in some circumstances validate that information independently, but that comes AFTER you've made the decision to torture), is that you don't know that you can't get that information elsewhere. If it's the passive nature of getting the info voluntarily from another source (maybe a source whose existence was previously unknown to our intelligence community, or maybe a source such as intel that's sitting on some CIA analyst's desk but hasn't yet gotten to the person with enough other info to understand its significance).
You're right, it's sort of a cost/benefit analysis, but none of the other avenues pursued had the additional "cost" of being flagrantly illegal. None of the other methods would make the U.S. into a rogue state that openly ignores laws regarding a very serious category of crime.But this principle applies to any expenditure of effort, to solve any problem. The FBI could conceivably have not bothered to investigate the case at all, on the same principle that they could get a lucky break at any moment--thus saving substantial man-hours, tax dollars, and other resources that could have been more fruitfully expended elsewhere. Exactly where else, nobody knows, because as you point out, you can never know for sure what methods will work the best.
No it wouldn't. But it would cause a firefighter to refrain from torturing someone he thought knew something about a fire. Again, entering a burning building to save someone doesn't involve committing a crime. That particular cost-benefit analysis is a little simpler. It depends on a reasonable estimate of the likelihood of the firefighter getting hurt compared to the likelihood of the other person either already being dead or being able to get out on his own.This doesn't cause a firefighter to refrain from rushing into a burning building to save someone trapped inside, on the principle that for all he knows, they could escape on their own at any moment, without exposing him to grave danger for no reason.
Again, you're comparing the decision to commit a crime with a decision that is not criminal. There is a very important difference. One is criminal. We've agreed not to do it.And it doesn't cause a general to refrain from putting his men in harm's way, on the principle that the political will to fight will slacken in one government or the other, and that the war could end at any moment.
If this is war, then these are all prisoners of war, and there are strict rules on their treatment. If this isn't war (and from my perspective, it's not war for several reasons), then we are talking about criminal justice.Warfare is not criminal justice. And believe it or not, the vast majority of battles have been won by methods far worse than waterboarding--mass slaughter (of one's friends, as well as one's enemies), for example.
And I think the general consensus (and legal definition) that killing someone as a soldier in a battlefield is NOT a criminal act. Stuff like rape and torture --even in war time--are criminal acts.
First, I don't think the decision to rush into the building is a criminal act under the circumstances you describe. Torture is a criminal act under any circumstances.As a final example, let's take another look at the firefighter who rushes into a burning building to rescue someone, and dies in the fire while it turns out there was nothing they could have done anyway. When questioned, the Fire Chief says "at the time, we believed that sending Fireman Bob into the building was the best course of action, and we stand by that decision." Would you accuse the Chief of claiming to KNOW FOR CERTAIN what was necessary, and argue that he should have refrained from sending anybody into the building, because for all he knew the person inside could be already dead, or have escaped on their own?
Also, again, I'm not the one who first introduced this idea of knowing for certain what's going to happen. This was introduced as an element of these hypotheticals. If you like I can quote you from posters on several JREF threads who asked whether I think it's right to torture one person in order to save the lives of some number of people. I point out that you can't possibly know that torturing one person will save ANY lives, so I reject the hypothetical.
If someone rephrased the question to be more like, "Do you think if members of Bush's crack intel thought that torturing someone might lead to a reduction in lives lost that we should allow them to torture people at their discretion?" I would answer, "No."
I forgot who it was, but someone who started out on the fence on this issue (here in the forum) believes that there are situations where torture is probably justified. (He compared it to capital punishment.) He was not willing, however, to give the authority to a group of politicians (or military officers or anyone else in particular) to make that decision. He came to support the law as it is--a ban on torture with no exceptions under any circumstances.