Because some parents are not good parents in regard to the damage unfiltered access to the internet has on children.How on earth does an 11 year old have unrestricted, unsupervised access to this stuf???
Because some parents are not good parents in regard to the damage unfiltered access to the internet has on children.How on earth does an 11 year old have unrestricted, unsupervised access to this stuf???
Pornography is not analogous to slavery.
I think pornography has pernicious effects, and is unnecessary to a healthy and fulfilling life. But unlike slavery, it does not necessitate harm to others without consent. It's also expression, which is a human right.
So the question of whether we can make an effective ban is much more important, because we're talking about infringing on a human right.
There's a concept in American jurisprudence called "strict scrutiny". The basic idea is that when contemplating the infringement of a human right ("constitutional right"), three criteria must be considered:
1. Whether the government has a compelling interest in infringing this right.
2. Whether the proposed infringement effectively serves that interest.
3. Whether this is the least intrusive way to serve that interest.
The way I see it, you've invested very heavily in trying justify the first criterion, while avoiding or failing to justify the other two.
There is no human right to enslave others. So we don't need to worry if our ban isn't wholly effective. And because it involves nonconsensual harm, the government's interest is easy to justify. Finally, since we're not talking about a human right, we don't have to worry about the intrusiveness of a ban on slavery.
I think you can make a case for a compelling government interest, due to nonconsensual harm, when it comes to widely-disseminated pornography. I think that's exactly the case you have been making. I actually agree with that case. I generally support the infringements we impose on the right to free expression, when it comes to pornographic expression.
But I think your proposed ban goes too far, without satisfying the other two criteria of strict scrutiny.
And I think your argument by analogy to slavery will continue to be a dead letter, since the two things are not analogous in a way that supports your proposal to ban pornography. Argue the thing in its own terms. If you can't do that, then you certainly can't argue it in terms of something else.
I think you can make a case for a compelling government interest, due to nonconsensual harm, when it comes to widely-disseminated pornography. I think that's exactly the case you have been making. I actually agree with that case. I generally support the infringements we impose on the right to free expression, when it comes to pornographic expression.
A fellow 11 year old with a phone and less involved parents is my assumption.How on earth does an 11 year old have unrestricted, unsupervised access to this stuf???
Thank you!Very well put.
To be clear: I don't think it's all a load of bull. I think there are valid concerns about the pernicious effects of porn, especially on minors. I think it makes sense to censor/restrict/regulate porn to some degree. Where I part ways with Poem is the strength of their argument for a total ban.It's all a load of bull, of course. But this particular bull, this analogy with slavery, thank you for taking the trouble to so thoroughly discuss how it falls short. (Heh, truly, it's trivially easy to talk bull, but requires a great deal more thought and effort to coherently and fully address that kind of nonsense.)
wall to wall porn
porn super-saturated our world
Thank you!
To be clear: I don't think it's all a load of bull. I think there are valid concerns about the pernicious effects of porn, especially on minors. I think it makes sense to censor/restrict/regulate porn to some degree. Where I part ways with Poem is the strength of their argument for a total ban.
We would be left with a much reduced library of allowed books. At least including books would mean Poem's ban on porn would effect men and women equally.? Remember that your ban includes books, i.e. "depictions" that are text only, so we have to assume so based on your definition
Not quite, it is if it was intended to be sexually arousing. So Fetish Feet Fortnightly would be banned but the feature about caring for your feet with photographs and videos of feet being massaged with essential oils would be fine.Poem wants to ban the depiction of anything that is sexually arousing.
Some people find images of feet sexually arousing. Therefore.....
It also appears that Poem thinks not having porn would increase the occurrence of real sex. Now I was a slut when I was younger as were most of my friends, OK let me be honest, as were* all of my friends, so I'm not one to say people shouldn't have as much sex as they want but "real" sex comes (I'm British if I can't shove in a few double ended innuendos every couple of sentences I'll be deported) with a lot of serious risks, encouraging more real sex may not be the best idea.You seem to think that depictions of genitalia didn't exist until the internet apparently "super-saturated" society with porn. You would be wrong, in that case. Or is it female genitalia that bothers you? Because yes, phalluses in varying degrees of arousal have been extremely common in decidedly public places throughout history. I would even go so far as to say that our societies have been super-saturated with them. But female genitalia have also been depicted, in public places, through the ages. Humans depict genitalia. Other humans look at the pictures.
I believe in education. Our views on sex, consent, and rape, have improved, even in the era of internet porn. The lack of as readily available porn did not mean that sexual mores were better, quite the opposite, and while I am certanly not saying that lack of internet porn caused that, I am saying that education and open discussion of the issues do.
Given Poem's definition we are presented with wall-to-wall pornography: even today when advertisers are much more careful about how they present it the adage "sex sells" is still true. So lots of what is now mainstream advertising will be banned, most of the likes of the Kardashians' social media postings would be banned and so on.This is hyperbole. If I walk outside, I do not see porn. If I go to the shopping centre, I do not see porn. I do not see porn on billboards or on the sides of buses. Everywhere I look, there is no porn - unless I choose to look in the places where the porn is.
I don't call that "wall-to-wall" or "super-saturation".
There is an awful lot here to unpack here (which is fine).Pornography is not analogous to slavery.
I think pornography has pernicious effects, and is unnecessary to a healthy and fulfilling life. But unlike slavery, it does not necessitate harm to others without consent. It's also expression, which is a human right.
So the question of whether we can make an effective ban is much more important, because we're talking about infringing on a human right.
There's a concept in American jurisprudence called "strict scrutiny". The basic idea is that when contemplating the infringement of a human right ("constitutional right"), three criteria must be considered:
1. Whether the government has a compelling interest in infringing this right.
2. Whether the proposed infringement effectively serves that interest.
3. Whether this is the least intrusive way to serve that interest.
The way I see it, you've invested very heavily in trying justify the first criterion, while avoiding or failing to justify the other two.
There is no human right to enslave others. So we don't need to worry if our ban isn't wholly effective. And because it involves nonconsensual harm, the government's interest is easy to justify. Finally, since we're not talking about a human right, we don't have to worry about the intrusiveness of a ban on slavery.
I think you can make a case for a compelling government interest, due to nonconsensual harm, when it comes to widely-disseminated pornography. I think that's exactly the case you have been making. I actually agree with that case. I generally support the infringements we impose on the right to free expression, when it comes to pornographic expression.
But I think your proposed ban goes too far, without satisfying the other two criteria of strict scrutiny.
And I think your argument by analogy to slavery will continue to be a dead letter, since the two things are not analogous in a way that supports your proposal to ban pornography. Argue the thing in its own terms. If you can't do that, then you certainly can't argue it in terms of something else.
There is an awful lot here to unpack here (which is fine).
Could you clarify: But unlike slavery, it does not necessitate harm to others without consent?
The US aside, governments have a legal duty to protect children in the way described. They have not done so.