The workers in the old lumber town of Bonner, Mont., expected bad news late last month when they were told to shut down their machines one morning and meet on the factory floor.
Their plant, which made high-end trim and siding for homes, was a vestige of the wood industry that once dominated western Montana. President Trump promised a “golden age” for American industry, when the sawmills and copper mining industries that built Montana would roar back. But nothing felt golden that morning. The 104 workers at the UFP Edge factory were told that their plant was shutting down. They would all be laid off.
“They gave up on us,” said Troy Fisher, who spent 40 years working for different mills and lumber companies in Bonner-West Riverside, an unincorporated community of 1,400 tucked beside the Clark Fork River, not far from the college town of Missoula.
The arguments over the demise of the UFP Edge plant have a familiar ring to them, dating back decades, through Democratic and Republican presidencies alike. The powers that be in Montana, now all Republican, say that jobs are plentiful in a state where the unemployment rate is just 2.8 percent, compared with 4.2 percent nationally. The siding plant’s closure was unfortunate, but the workers will be fine, they say.
For its part, UFP Industries, a Michigan-based building-materials company that bought the Bonner facility five years ago, said that Mr. Trump’s tariffs “played absolutely no role” in the closure.
The company said that transporting materials across storm-prone mountain passes had been a challenge, and that the factory suffered a setback when a major customer took painted siding in-house. The plant never turned a profit, according to Abby Mitch, a spokeswoman for UFP.
The disconnect between the views expressed by politicians on the overall state of the economy and those expressed by workers at ground level is precisely what fueled the rise of Mr. Trump’s brand of conservative populism. Mr. Trump’s target had been Democrats and their perceived allegiance to free trade and coastal elites.
But with the G.O.P. now entrenched in Montana, the elite is the president’s party. Just days before the Bonner closure, Gov. Greg Gianforte, a Republican and affluent software executive-turned-vocal Trump supporter, was in central Montana celebrating as many as 500 new jobs created by the arrival of a European company that makes vacuum technology for semiconductors.
But some employees at the Bonner plant groused that Mr. Trump’s Big Beautiful Bill had not saved their jobs.
“It’s not trickling down,” said Cameron Harris, 23, a forklift driver at the plant who had been saving up for a house. He said he doubted he would find similar work in the lumber industry, and was hoping to get a certification in auto repair.
Farmers and ranchers are worried about how Mr. Trump’s trade wars will affect overseas markets for beef and wheat. Even an ardent Trump supporter, Josh Smith, who owns the Montana Knife Company,
posted a YouTube video complaining that tariffs were driving up his costs for imported steel and a $400,000 German-made grinding machine.
As the event wrapped up, the onetime colleagues bumped fists and headed their separate ways. But Mr. Snodgrass, a father of two, was among a few who had to get back to the plant. Contemplating where he’d go next, he said that his 4-year-old had already started to ask whether he had found another job.