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Interesting article on how dominance of English speakers hinders cognitive research.

There are some interesting nuggets in this as well as the subject of the title. Like speakers of Jahai and Semaq Beri can reliably identify around a dozen "basic" smell categories, each of which has its own linguistic label.

It reminds me of something similar regarding color terms in different languages. You might think that every language has words that correspond to red, yellow, green, and blue, for example. But some do not.

https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Color_term

In the Bassa language, there are two terms for classifying colors; ziza (white, yellow, orange, and red) and hui (black, violet, blue, and green).[5]

In the Pirahã language, there appear to be no color terms beyond describing lightness and darkness.[6]

The Dani language of western New Guinea differentiates only two basic colors: mili for cool/dark shades such as blue, green, and black; and mola for warm/light colors such as red, yellow, and white.[7][8]


So, how many "basic" words to describe smells does English have? Doesn't seem like many. Saying that something smells like smoke, or like flowers, or spoiled milk, is not basic. It's an analogy. We say "smells like X" generally when describing smells.

ETA: "acrid" might be a basic term for describing a smell. Can we add any others?
 
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That's interesting. It makes complete sense to me that learning a particular language would also have knock-on effects on learned abilities in other cognitive tasks. Long ago when I discovered some kids who were at least as smart as me had much worse ability to imagine maniputating objects in 3D, I wondered if playing with toys like Lego and Meccano had just trained me to be good at that.

The most striking to me of their list of differences was the first - mirror invariance. Showing letters b and d in comparison to the mirrored fish symbols made it really clear that the learned different associations of the two letters makes it much harder to spot that the letters really are mirror images, where with the fish it was immediately obvious.

I did pause though at their use of WEIRD as an acronym. In a paper about cognitive biases that set me wondering what effect they wanted that to have.
 

Interesting, but a lot of those words I wouldn't describe as "basic" smell words. They are slightly more advanced.

Like, they give the words "clean" or "airy" to describe smells. Would we all (English speakers) agree on what "clean" smells like?

Words like "pine", "lilac" and "rose" are words for plants. As such, I don't think they fall under the category of "basic" smell words. If you are familiar with the plant, you are probably familiar its associated smell too.
 
That's interesting. It makes complete sense to me that learning a particular language would also have knock-on effects on learned abilities in other cognitive tasks. Long ago when I discovered some kids who were at least as smart as me had much worse ability to imagine maniputating objects in 3D, I wondered if playing with toys like Lego and Meccano had just trained me to be good at that.

The most striking to me of their list of differences was the first - mirror invariance. Showing letters b and d in comparison to the mirrored fish symbols made it really clear that the learned different associations of the two letters makes it much harder to spot that the letters really are mirror images, where with the fish it was immediately obvious.

I did pause though at their use of WEIRD as an acronym. In a paper about cognitive biases that set me wondering what effect they wanted that to have.

WEIRD has become a commonly used concept to describe a blind spot that many social sciences have been said to have because so much research tends to be done on convenience samples such as undergraduate students in the universities of the researchers, so it is something of a stretch to universalize their findings when there are so many variables that people around the world might have, culturally, economically and linguistically.

Some of this research can be interesting, but in my experience reading some of the literature, there does tend to be a bit of overegging of the pudding. How are the biases often detected? In some cases, they may be reaction times and we find that some people whose first language does not include certain features, press a button milliseconds faster than someone whose language does contain that feature.

Similarly, eye-tracking or EEG or proportions of respondents choosing one thing or another tends to be the measurement. But to what extent does it have real world significance, it’s often hard to say. In fact, in some cases, interesting findings often don’t replicate. For example, I recently finished reading a book called the Power of Language by Viorica Marian. It had some interesting findings on the way that grammatical gender influences speakers of, say, Spanish, where a tomato fruit is feminine and a plant is masculine. Apparently when asked if a tomato should have a girl’s name or a boy’s name, some respondents answered a girl’s name for tomato. Similarly, apparently a key in one language is described as pretty or solid depending on whether the language classes it as masculine or feminine. Yet it turns out that the original work by Boroditsky et. al. does not replicate. Same with claims that Chinese people think of time going up instead of along, the evidence is … tenuous.

Another favourite was the claim that in some languages people save more money if they have no strong future markers in their language. The theory is that the future is considered more immediate and therefore more important to the speakers. Apparently this is the case for Finnish and Estonian and some others. However, other linguists and economists are, naturally, skeptical and suggested that the reason why there might be a spurious correlation is down to the fact that languages are not independent of each other and therefore a shared behaviour across languages may only be accidentally related to similarly shared language backgrounds what with Estonian and Finnish being related etc…

Anyway, I haven’t looked into this particular paper, but making some assumptions….
 
It reminds me of something similar regarding color terms in different languages. You might think that every language has words that correspond to red, yellow, green, and blue, for example. But some do not.

https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Color_term

I guess what now “blue” in Japanese used to be used for green as well and survives as “blue traffic light”, “blue apple”, “blue forest” etc…

In fact, it surprises me that when you go to the driving centre to test your eyes they literally show a blue colour instead of green. Similarly my son’s road safety information always shows a blue light or a blue man.

Maybe another one in Japanese is the obligate distinction between older and younger brothers and sisters.


But I have wonder if this kind of research can be taken too far. Could I suggest that Japanese people are more keenly aware of the temperature around them because people are often walking around saying “hot, hot, hot!” Or does the bias work the other way around and nobody is aware of the temperature of others unless they can hear them state how they feel?
 
I do like the implied framing that English speakers are a hindrance.

Maybe it's because I just finished re-reading Blindsight. This novel presents the thesis that self-awareness is a waste of cognitive resources and an evolutionary dead end. Makes me think that maybe the biggest takeaway is that having dozens of smell categories is cognitively inefficient.
 
It reminds me of something similar regarding color terms in different languages. You might think that every language has words that correspond to red, yellow, green, and blue, for example. But some do not.

https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Color_term




So, how many "basic" words to describe smells does English have? Doesn't seem like many. Saying that something smells like smoke, or like flowers, or spoiled milk, is not basic. It's an analogy. We say "smells like X" generally when describing smells.

ETA: "acrid" might be a basic term for describing a smell. Can we add any others?

How many terms for smells do we really need? " Good or bad " work in most circumstances.

" I smell smoke " seems pretty useful.
 
I do like the implied framing that English speakers are a hindrance.

The paper seems to be pushing a standard neo-Whorfian (linguistic relativity) view of language. This is the idea that the language you speak influences the way you perceive the world. It is not full-blown Sapir-Whorf in which language completely constrains how you perceive the world.

The idea would be that English speakers are a hindrance, only that someone with a different language might be primed to think in a particular way.

ETA: For example, if you said to an English speaker, is your sister older or younger than you? Even though the person knows, they might say "er....younger." whereas if you ask someone Japanese the same question the fact the clue will be in the question because you will be asking is your younger sister older or younger than you? "Younger...duh!" Then when we look at the speed of response we will notice it was miliseconds faster in Japanese. Wow! Think of the possibilities!!!
 
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WEIRD has become a commonly used concept to describe a blind spot that many social sciences have been said to have because so much research tends to be done on convenience samples such as undergraduate students in the universities of the researchers, so it is something of a stretch to universalize their findings when there are so many variables that people around the world might have, culturally, economically and linguistically.

Some of this research can be interesting, but in my experience reading some of the literature, there does tend to be a bit of overegging of the pudding. How are the biases often detected? In some cases, they may be reaction times and we find that some people whose first language does not include certain features, press a button milliseconds faster than someone whose language does contain that feature.

Similarly, eye-tracking or EEG or proportions of respondents choosing one thing or another tends to be the measurement. But to what extent does it have real world significance, it’s often hard to say. In fact, in some cases, interesting findings often don’t replicate. For example, I recently finished reading a book called the Power of Language by Viorica Marian. It had some interesting findings on the way that grammatical gender influences speakers of, say, Spanish, where a tomato fruit is feminine and a plant is masculine. Apparently when asked if a tomato should have a girl’s name or a boy’s name, some respondents answered a girl’s name for tomato. Similarly, apparently a key in one language is described as pretty or solid depending on whether the language classes it as masculine or feminine. Yet it turns out that the original work by Boroditsky et. al. does not replicate. Same with claims that Chinese people think of time going up instead of along, the evidence is … tenuous.

Another favourite was the claim that in some languages people save more money if they have no strong future markers in their language. The theory is that the future is considered more immediate and therefore more important to the speakers. Apparently this is the case for Finnish and Estonian and some others. However, other linguists and economists are, naturally, skeptical and suggested that the reason why there might be a spurious correlation is down to the fact that languages are not independent of each other and therefore a shared behaviour across languages may only be accidentally related to similarly shared language backgrounds what with Estonian and Finnish being related etc…

Anyway, I haven’t looked into this particular paper, but making some assumptions….

Of course there are future markers in Finnish. I can't speak for Estonian as it has a heavy low-German influence and its sentence structure tends to reflect this. However, in Finnish, whilst there is no future tense in verbs, simply present tense; however, future markers will be indicated in words such as, 'on Monday' or 'in a year', or a specific time. In addition, there are plenty of words such as 'soon', 'at some point', 'in the future', next week', etcetera, etcetera, that indicate the future.
 
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Of course there are future markers in Finnish. I can't speak for Estonian as it has a heavy low-German influence and its sentence structure tends to reflect this. However, in Finnish, whilst there is no future tense in verbs, simply present tense; however, future markers will be indicated in words such as, 'on Monday' or 'in a year', or a specific time. In addition, there are plenty of words such as 'soon', 'at some point', 'in the future', next week', etcetera, etcetera, that indicate the future.

Sure, I probably should have been more explicit about what I mean. Yes, indeed people can add words to clarify they are talking about the future. The guy whose linguistic view of economics has been taken surprisingly seriously by some psycholinguists, distinguishes between STRONG future time reference and WEAK future time reference. With STRONG future time reference he is referring to some kind of future tense.

Geoffrey Pullum, who is skeptical of most, if not all, versions of linguistic relativity, and certainly of linguistic determinism, gives an account of the theory here...

To reduce it to its simplest elements, Chen maintains a very strong Whorfian hypothesis: he thinks that if your language has clear grammatical future tense marking (and thus is a strong future time reference or strong FTR language), then you and your fellow native speakers have a dramatically increased likelihood of exhibiting high rates of obesity, smoking, drinking, debt, and poor pension provision, as if they had little concern for the future. And conversely, if your language uses present-tense forms to express future time reference (is a weak future time reference or weak FTR language), you and your fellow speakers are strikingly more likely to have good financial planning for retirement and sensible health habits. It is as if grammatical marking of the difference between the present and the future insulates you from seeing that the two are coterminous so you should plan ahead. Using present-tense forms for future time reference, on the other hand, encourages you to see that the future is just more of the present, and thus encourages you to put money in a 401(k). (If you don't have that intuition, don't complain to me; I'm just trying to report to you what Chen claims.)

Link

In fact, oddly enough, English speakers seem to have a pretty good conception of future tense and often talk about it, even though to me it seems English only has a very weak form of a future tense, or even a cobbled together poor man's future tense.

Pullum points that out here...

Chen uses descriptive data on languages that emanate from Östen Dahl's EUROTYP project, and adopts a classification of English as strong FTR. But English notoriously uses present tense for future time reference all over the place:

Meg's mother arrives tomorrow.
If the phone rings, don't answer it.
My flight takes off at 8:30.
IBM is declaring its fourth-quarter profits tomorrow.
 
Sure, I probably should have been more explicit about what I mean. Yes, indeed people can add words to clarify they are talking about the future. The guy whose linguistic view of economics has been taken surprisingly seriously by some psycholinguists, distinguishes between STRONG future time reference and WEAK future time reference. With STRONG future time reference he is referring to some kind of future tense.

Geoffrey Pullum, who is skeptical of most, if not all, versions of linguistic relativity, and certainly of linguistic determinism, gives an account of the theory here...



Link

In fact, oddly enough, English speakers seem to have a pretty good conception of future tense and often talk about it, even though to me it seems English only has a very weak form of a future tense, or even a cobbled together poor man's future tense.

Pullum points that out here...

AFAICS English doesn't have a future tense either, other than the word, 'will', which is derived - I believe - from the German 'to want'.

So to make a future tense in English you just slap in the word, 'will'.

Hardly a sign of great cognitive ability, when you think of the lengths the French go to.
 
Some of the "advantages" of other languages:

Speakers of Guugu Ymithirr remember objects and locations by absolute coordinates.

What are we talking about here, presumably not GPS coordinates? Do they remember that the catsup is on the third shelf in the refrigerator, just behind the pickles and in front of the hamburger buns?

In Yoruba and other West African and East Asian languages, indirectness and vagueness are central parts of conversation.

Don't ask Yoruba speakers where the catsup is.
 
AFAICS English doesn't have a future tense either, other than the word, 'will', which is derived - I believe - from the German 'to want'.

So to make a future tense in English you just slap in the word, 'will'. Hardly a sign of great cognitive ability, when you think of the lengths the French go to.

There are other ways to refer to future happenings, subtly different ones -

My train leaves at 9 a.m. tomorrow morning.

I set off for the station at 8:30

I'm setting off for the station at 8.30

I'm going to set off for the station at 8.30

I'll set off for the station at 8.30
 
Some of the "advantages" of other languages:



What are we talking about here, presumably not GPS coordinates? Do they remember that the catsup is on the third shelf in the refrigerator, just behind the pickles and in front of the hamburger buns?

According to Wikipedia directions are always north, west etc. rather than left, down etc.
 
There are other ways to refer to future happenings, subtly different ones -

My train leaves at 9 a.m. tomorrow morning.

I set off for the station at 8:30

I'm setting off for the station at 8.30

I'm going to set off for the station at 8.30

I'll set off for the station at 8.30

So no different from Finnish, then, other than the last but I can't see that the I'll (I will) adds anything. Bearing in mind 'set' is both past and present tense.
 
AFAICS English doesn't have a future tense either, other than the word, 'will', which is derived - I believe - from the German 'to want'.

So to make a future tense in English you just slap in the word, 'will'.

Hardly a sign of great cognitive ability, when you think of the lengths the French go to.

Indeed. There is no morphologically distinct future tense.

Pullum also points this out…

Nearly all traditional grammarians report English as having a tense system that includes a future tense, but that isn't really true; will is a modal auxiliary that has various other uses too. If the facts are shaky for English, how likely are they to be accurate on languages that have not been studied nearly so intensively?

Chen's thesis is highly brittle and susceptible to counterexemplification. He says that he has been unable to find any counterexamples to his hypothesis, but there is at least one very clear and obvious counterexample. The language of the Pirahã Indians of Brazil, studied by Daniel Everett, has no future tense marking whatever — it is not just weak FTR, it is zero FTR. But, contrary to Chen's prediction, the Pirahã are unconcerned with planning for the future, to a quite extreme degree. The Wikipedia entry says that "They do not store food in any quantity, but generally eat it when they get it," and they "have ignored lessons in preserving meats by salting or smoking." Although they grow manioc plants, they "make only a few days' worth of manioc flour at a time." This is all decidedly in conflict with Chen's predictions, if they are meant to apply to humanity in general.
 
The language of culture reflects what is important for that culture to function. In the northern climes there are all kinds of words to describe winter storms, which wouldn't need an extensive vocabulary in southern Europe, for obvious reasons. However, even I was surprised, even shocked, at how many words the Saami have for reindeer.

Saami words for reindeer by Username Vixen, on Flickr

On the left is the Saami word for reindeer and on the right, the Finnish translation. As you will note, the Saami words, on the left, are short and sweet (and it is not by any means a short-letter worded language) which indicates the sheer age of them, probably going back thousands of years of reindeer husbandry. The terms describe, colour of fur, short-fur or long-fur, male, female, age - see where it says, '5 to 6-years-old' - and whether they are with or without antlers (NB female reindeer are the only female deer to grow antlers). 'Laukki' translates as a 'white-faced' reindeer. Impressive, huh? And hunter-gatherer communities are supposed to be relatively primitive. Just one short word to describe, for example a five-to six-year-old reindeer, whereas Finns and English need a sentence or short phrase to translate it.
 
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