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House Impeachment Inquiry

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Winning over Trump supporters is the political equivalent of turning lead into gold. Anyone telling you that it's a worthy goal is nearly as out of touch with reality as the Trump supporters themselves.


So you're saying that they should be placed in a nuclear reactor for prolonged neutron bombardment? :D
 
I found on the c-span transcript what was to me the most interesting and relevant part of the day. Taylor's being questioned by Democratic congressman Will Hurd from Texas, and here's what transpired.

<<snip>>

Minor nit pick: Republican Congressman Will Hurd from Texas

Who seems like a pretty good person generally, but I have not seen his performance in this hearing, yet. Sadly: "On August 1, 2019, Hurd announced that he will not run for reelection to Congress in 2020 after finishing his third term.[9]"
 
Winning over Trump supporters is the political equivalent of turning lead into gold. Anyone telling you that it's a worthy goal is nearly as out of touch with reality as the Trump supporters themselves.

There are independents and others who are "agnostic" towards Trump impeachment lurking about. You can engage with the Trump supporters to catch their ear if nothing else.
 
Minor nit pick: Republican Congressman Will Hurd from Texas

Who seems like a pretty good person generally, but I have not seen his performance in this hearing, yet. Sadly: "On August 1, 2019, Hurd announced that he will not run for reelection to Congress in 2020 after finishing his third term.[9]"

Oh wow! That's even cooler! Surprising, but cooler, Thank you!

Sad indeed if he's not running again because of having to quit politics because Trump's that bad.
 
Trump is guilty of something worth removing him from office. That is not the problem. Getting both sides to agree on that something is at issue. Trump supporters can say things like "If Trump is guilty of something worth removing him from office, I’d have no problem with it.", yet we see no evidence that they are being honest.

Over the last three years there have been moments that should have tipped that bar, and they did not. It's a subjective mirage. I think most Trump supporters will say things like the above because they believe it makes them appear rational and responsible. All it does, in my opinion, is expose their disconnect from reality and willingness to pretend to be responsible citizens.

I'd rather they just tell the truth and admit that there is virtually nothing that Trump could do that would dent their support.

It's all about the Trump impeachment agnostics (independents, "libertarians", super-conspiratorial ultra ultra leftwingers) in my mind, for right at this moment in history.

If "people" eventually accepted that there were no WMDs in Iraq, and that there never were, "they" can eventually at some point in the future if nothing else, come to see that this impeachment is legit and the morally correct course for the country.
 
I'm of two minds of this.

Part of me thinks Trump does not really have a huge statistically meaningful amount of actual supporters in the traditional sense, he just has an army of like minded trolls who are cheering him on to see how much damage he can do, not because they give one tin **** about anything he's actually doing in the literal sense. That's certainly what every Trumper online seems to be. That's why they not only never bother to answer "Why are you okay with him doing this?" they really can't without running the game they are playing because the answer is never more complicated then "It makes the libruls made and/or hurts 'the system' and that's good enough for me." That's why Trumpers never make arguments, only distractions and stalls.

But that's really cynical and I think a little overly focused mainly on the internet political fandom bubbles which contrary to popular belief do no accurately represent America, American politics, or even the parties/"sides" accurately. He has to have actual support of some kind in the "real world."
 
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Shamelessly stolen comment from a guy I don't know in a conversation yesterday on Facebook:

"In a nutshell, people don’t want to be associated with losing or being blamed for failure. When we hitch our wagons to somebody, and they fail, it’s like we failed, and we can’t fail, so we do everything to transfer the problem away from the failing person, and by proxy, ourselves. This excludes politicians, who just want power and will say and do anything to get and keep it (see the farce from today). It is kind of crazy - I voted for Trump and mock the rabid antiTrumpers non-stop, not because Trump can do wrong, but because in their eyes he can do no right, and sadly, they can’t even admit their fault. It’s the logical conclusion of what I wrote - it’s easy to never accept that you (or those you support) are wrong, when the “other guy” always is &#55357;&#56898;. If Trump is guilty of something worth removing him from office, I’d have no problem with it. What I heard today isn’t even close.".

Wow, this guy is seriously lacking in self-reflexion.
 
There are independents and others who are "agnostic" towards Trump impeachment lurking about. You can engage with the Trump supporters to catch their ear if nothing else.

Absolutely. Over the next month or so, there's going to be a lot of "Trump Supporters Remain Unconvinced On Impeachment" headlines all over the country, and it's about as meaningful as "Flat Earthers Remain Unconvinced On Globe Model."

The goal is not to convince the worst people in the country to not be bad, it's to convince all the other people to stand up and do something about it next November. I hope the impeachment hearing really gets the not-so-politically-engaged among us to realize that the president is irredeemably corrupt.
 
Am I the only one paying attention to the news? Not talking about you guys so much but the reporters whose job it is to actually check on this stuff? I suppose the details are tricky.

The CNN link is fine, it was Nov 7th. But since then there was this:

USA: Mick Mulvaney asks to join lawsuit on congressional subpoena enforcement in Trump impeachment probe
Currently the Democrats withdrew the subpoena for Kupperman to reassess how they are going to present the case to the courts rather than risk a ruling that would have premature ramifications.


Bottom line, Bolton's subpoena and testimony are pending some procedural stuff aimed and getting a court ruling to overturn Trump's obstruction.
Since then, Mulvaney has changed his mind and will not join the lawsuit, just defy the subpoena. Probably because a judge might not rule the way he wants.
 
Since then, Mulvaney has changed his mind and will not join the lawsuit, just defy the subpoena. Probably because a judge might not rule the way he wants.

Doesn't he run the risk of getting sent to "special congress jail thing in the house of representative's basement" (or whatever's going on with that) if he doesn't comply? Or, are the dems almost definitely just going to add his absence to the list of Trump's obstruction charges? Anyone know or able to kinda guess from what we do know there?
 
Yesterday, the House Intelligence Committee heard public testimony from George Kent (Deputy Assistant Secretary of State) and William Taylor (charges d'affaires in Kyiv, Ukraine).

I watched the entire five and a half hours. (I did not watch the thirty anticlimactic minutes of the committee's proceedings after Kent and Taylor left the room.) It was a bit like watching a baseball game, only more so: there were perhaps thirty minutes that mattered. I'm about to summarize my selection of those minutes. A transcript of the entire shebang is available online, but that transcript gets some things out of order; having relied on that transcript for many of the quotations below, I am sure I will get some things out of order as well.

Imagine a less nerdy version of Colin Firth's character in "Kingsman: The Secret Service", without the glasses, with muted polka dots on his bow tie, with an American accent, and with considerably greater competence. That's George Kent.

William Taylor has a deeper voice, is more loquacious, and wears a more conservative suit and tie.

As chair, Adam Schiff opened the meeting. Thirty seconds in:

John Ratcliffe (R): Mister Chairman.

Schiff (D): It is the intention of the committee to proceed without disruptions.

Ratcliffe: Mister Chairman.

Schiff: What purpose?

Ratcliffe: May I make a parliamentary inquiry?

Schiff: Gentleman will state the inquiry.

Ratcliffe: Mister Chairman, this is our first hearing under this new set of rules. [....] Have you made a decision yet as to how many 45 minute rounds you will allow yourself and the ranking member?

Schiff: I have not.


For the next ten minutes, Schiff gave his opening statement. Here's a sample paragraph:

Schiff: The questions presented by this impeachment inquiry are whether president Trump sought to exploit that ally’s vulnerability and invite Ukraine’s interference in our elections. Whether President Trump sought conditioned official acts, such as a White House meeting or US military assistance on Ukraine’s willingness to assist with two political investigations that would help his reelection campaign. And if President Trump did either, whether such an abuse of his power is compatible with the office of the presidency.


The ranking Republican, Devin Nunes, devoted his opening statement to attacking the Democrats, concluding:

This spectacle is doing great damage to our country. It's nothing more than an impeachment process in search of a crime.


In his opening statement, George Kent placed his testimony in the context of American history going back to revolutionary times. Some excerpts:

As I stated in my closed-door deposition last month, you don’t step into the public arena of international diplomacy in active pursuit of principled U.S. interests without expecting vigorous pushback, including personal attacks. Such attacks came from Russians, their proxies, and corrupt Ukrainians. This tells me that our efforts were hitting their mark.

It was unexpected, and most unfortunate, to watch some Americans — including those who allied themselves with corrupt Ukrainians in pursuit of private agendas — launch attacks on dedicated public servants advancing U.S. interests in Ukraine. In my opinion, those attacks undermined U.S. and Ukrainian national interests and damaged our critical bilateral relationship.


For those who haven't been paying attention, Rudy Giuliani is one of those Americans.

I would like to conclude my opening remarks with an observation about some of my fellow public servants who have come under personal attack — Ambassador Yovanovitch, LTC Vindman, and Dr. Hill — at least one of whom is going to appear before this body in the coming days. Masha, Alex, and Fiona were born abroad before their families or they themselves personally chose to immigrate to the United States. They all made the professional choice to serve the United States as public officials, helping shape our national security policy, towards Russia in particular. And we and our national security are the better for it.


Toward the end of William Taylor's opening statement, he disclosed a new and potentially important bit of evidence from 26 July, the day after Trump told Zelensky "I would like you to do us a favor, though."

Last Friday, a member of my staff told me of events that occurred on July 26th. While Ambassador Volker and I visited the front as a member of my staff accompanied Ambassador Sondland. Ambassador Sondland met with Mr Yermak. Following that meeting in the presence of my staff at a restaurant Ambassador Sondland called President Trump and told him of his meetings in Kiev. The member of my staff could hear President Trump on the phone asking Ambassador Sondland about the investigations. Ambassador Sondland told President Trump the Ukrainians were ready to move forward. Following the call with President Trump, the member of my staff asked Ambassador Sondland what President Trump thought about Ukraine. Ambassador Sondland responded that President Trump cares more about the investigations of Biden which Giuliani was pressing for.


Chair Adam Schiff began his 45 minutes of questioning by asking some questions about that:

Schiff: So the President must've been speaking loud enough on the phone...this was a cell phone, I take it?

Taylor: It was a cell phone.

Schiff: The President must have been speaking loud enough for your staff member to be able to overhear this?

Taylor: It was.

Schiff: And what your staff member could overhear was President Trump asking Ambassador Sondland about "the investigations", is that right?

Taylor: That's correct.

Schiff: I think you testified also that you had come to understand that the term "investigations" was a term that Ambassador Sondland as well as Volker used to mean matters related to the 2016 elections and to the investigations of Burisma and the Bidens. Is that correct?

Taylor: That is correct, Mister Chairman.

Schiff: So your staff member overhears the President asking about the investigations, meaning Burisma and the Bidens in 2016, and Ambassador Sondland told President Trump that the Ukrainians were ready to move forward?

Taylor: He did.

Schiff: And I think you said after the call when your staff asked Ambassador Sondland what President Trump thought of Ukraine, his response was that President Trump cares more about the investigations of Biden. Is that right?

Taylor: And Burisma. Yes, sir.

Schiff: And I take it the end part of that is that he cares more about that than he does about Ukraine.

Taylor: Yes, sir.


Taylor's unnamed staff member has since been named and is expected to give a private deposition to the committee tomorrow (Friday).

After about ten minutes of questioning, Schiff turned the rest of his time over to Democratic counsel Daniel Goldman. Goldman began by asking Taylor to read a text message he sent to Ambassador Sondland on 9 September:

As I said on the phone, I think it’s crazy to withhold security assistance for help with a political campaign.

Goldman then asked Taylor to explain what he meant by "crazy" and to confirm what Taylor meant by "security assistance" and by "help with a political campaign".

Goldman: Ambassador Taylor, in your decades of military service and diplomatic service representing the United States around the world, have you ever seen another example of foreign aid conditioned on the personal or political interests of the president of the United States?

Taylor: No, Mister Goldman, I've not.

Goldman: Mister Kent, that vital military assistance---that was not the only thing that President Trump was withholding from Ukraine. What else was contingent on Ukraine initiating these investigations?

Kent: Well, as we've talked earlier today, the possibility of a White House meeting was being held contingent to an announcement.


After several questions that established the importance and value of that White House meeting:

Goldman: Mister Kent, is pressuring Ukraine to conduct what I believe you've called political investigations a part of US foreign policy to promote the rule of law in Ukraine and around the world?

Kent: It is not.

Goldman: Is it in the national interest of the United States?

Kent: In my opinion, it is not.


After some more of that, Goldman asked Taylor to read the text message he had sent to Sondland a week earlier, on 1 September:

Are we now saying that security assistance and White House meeting are conditioned on investigations?


Sondland responded to that by texting "Call me." Goldman asked Taylor what he learned on the call, culminating in this summary:

Goldman: And so even though President Trump was saying repeatedly that there is no quid pro quo, Ambassador Sondland relayed to you that the facts of the matter were that the White House meeting and the security assistance were conditioned on the announcement of these investigations. Is that your understanding?

Taylor: That's my understanding.


And so on. Goldman's questioning consistently elicited answers that confirmed the Democrats' view of the evidence as outlined by Adam Schiff in Schiff's opening statement.

Eventually Goldman said "I want to spend just a little time reading the transcript as we've been encouraged to do." Here is the second of the four excerpts Goldman read from the White House's summary of Trump's telephone conversation with Zelensky on 25 July:

Trump said:
I want you to do us a favor though because our country has been through a lot and Ukraine knows a lot about it. I would like you to find out what happened with this whole situation with Ukraine. They say CrowdStrike. I guess you have one of your wealthy people. The server, they say Ukraine has it.


The following exchange is one of several in which it seemed to me that George Kent waited for a question he could answer with a simple statement of fact that would say everything that needed to be said.

Goldman: Now when he talks about this CrowdStrike in a server, what do you understand this to be a reference to?

Kent: To be honest, I had not heard of CrowdStrike until I read this transcript on September 25th.

Goldman: Do you now understand what it relates to?

Kent: I understand it has to do with the story that there's a server with missing emails. I also understand that one of the owners of CrowdStrike is a Russian-American. I am not aware of any Ukrainian connection to the company.

Goldman: Now, are you aware that this is all part of a larger allegation that Ukraine interfered in the 2016 election?

Kent: Yes. That is my understanding.

Goldman: And to your knowledge, is there any factual basis to support the allegation that Ukraine interfered in the 2016 election?

Kent: To my knowledge, there is no factual basis. No.

Goldman: And in fact, who did interfere in the 2016 election?

Kent: I think it's amply clear that Russian interference was at the heart of the interference in the 2016 election cycle.


Goldman's third excerpt from Trump's call:

That Biden stopped the prosecution and a lot of people want to find out about that. So whatever you can do with the attorney general would be great. Biden went around bragging that he stopped the prosecution, so if you can look into it, it sounds horrible.


Goldman's questioning:

Goldman: And to your knowledge, is there any factual basis to support those allegations?

Kent: None whatsoever.

Goldman: When Vice President Biden acted in Ukraine, did he act in accordance with official US policy?

Kent: He did.


Ranking Republican Devin Nunes began his 45-minute block as though he had slept through Goldman's questioning of Kent and Taylor:

Devin Nunes (R): The call summary for which the Democrats want to impeach President Trump is dramatically different from their nefarious depiction of it. What it actually shows is a pleasant exchange between two leaders who discuss mutual cooperation over a range of issues.


Nunes didn't quite say the call was "perfect", but he was clearly following that script. After almost five minutes of that, his questioning began as follows:

Nunes: Ambassador Kent, you didn't seem to be too concerned about it in the last round of questioning, so I'll just skip you because we know that wasn't a concern. But Ambassador Taylor, you testified to this committee that you only recently became aware of reports of this cooperation between Ukrainian embassy officials and Chalupa to undermine the Trump campaign from your last deposition. Is that correct?

Taylor: Mister Nunes, it is correct that I had not known about this before.

Nunes: Yes. I'm just going over your last deposition.

Taylor: Exactly right.

Nunes: Ambassador.

Taylor: Yeah.

Nunes: The Politico article cites three unnamed Ukrainian officials [....] Ambassador Taylor, you testified that you were unfamiliar with that statement. Is that correct?

Taylor: That is correct.

Nunes: You also said you were unaware that [....] Is that correct?

Taylor: That is correct.

Nunes: You said you did not know [....] Is that still correct?

Taylor: That is still correct, sir.

Nunes: Thank you, Mister Taylor.


In short, Nunes did a very good job of getting Ambassador Taylor to admit he didn't know as much about Fox News talking points as Nunes does.

Nunes yielded the balance of his 45 minutes to Republican counsel Steve Castor. Castor began by inviting Taylor to confirm Trump's state of mind on several questions:

Castor: Ambassador Taylor, Mister Kent, President Trump's concerns about Ukraine's role in the 2016 election. You believe he genuinely believed they were working against him, right? [lengthy pause] Ambassador Taylor?

Taylor: Mister Castor, I don't know what President or candidate Trump was thinking about the Ukrainians.

Castor: Didn't he in this Oval Office meeting on May twenty-third after the Zelensky inauguration, didn't he lament that the Ukrainians were out to get him?

Taylor: I heard that his response to the suggestion that Mister Zelensky visit President Trump in the Oval Office was not well received and that he had concerns about the Ukrainians, yes.


Castor then asked an even sillier question that began with a long windup and ended by saying "You certainly can appreciate that President Trump was very concerned that some elements of the Ukrainian establishment were not in favor of him, did not support him, and were out to get him."

Before Kent or Taylor could respond to that statement, if indeed they had any intention of doing so, Adam Shiff interjected "I'll allow the question, but", giving Castor what turned out to be perhaps his best moment of the day:

Castor: Parliamentary inquiry, are you seriously interrupting our time here?

Schiff: I've said I will allow the question. I won't dock this from the time. [....]


That gave John Ratcliffe and Devin Nunes an opportunity to score points about how unfairly the Republicans were being treated by the chair of the committee. Following that digression, Castor resumed his ineffective line of questioning:

Castor: So you certainly can appreciate President Trump's concerns.

Taylor: Mister Castor. I don't know the exact nature of President Trump's concerns. [....]

Castor: [....]

Taylor: I don't know, Mister Castor.

Castor: Certainly that gives rise to some concern that there are elements of the Ukrainian establishment that were out to get the president. That's a very reasonable belief of his. Correct?

Taylor: I don't know.

Castor: The run-up to the 2016 election, there's many facts that remain unresolved. Agreed?

Taylor: I'm sorry. What's the question?

Castor: There are many facts relating to the run-up of the 2016 election that remain unresolved.

Taylor: Any further?

Castor: [....]

Taylor: I'm aware that there is an investigation. That's as much as I'm aware.

Castor: [....]

Taylor: Mister Castor, can you say that one again? I'd appreciate it if you would restate the question.


And so on. Instead of asking questions that Kent and Taylor could answer, Castor seemed to be offering sympathy and excuses for Trump's paranoia while inviting Taylor to join the pity party. Taylor wasn't playing along, not out of hostility but because he was confused by Castor's evident focus on non-questions involving matters outside Taylor's knowledge.

Castor eventually expressed amazement that neither Kent nor Taylor were on the 25 July call and neither were involved in the preparation for that call. Kent had to explain to Castor that this was entirely normal: NSC staff are responsible for that preparation, and while they can solicit information from the state department, which can draw on embassy expertise, "that's only background information."

In short, Castor appeared to be woefully unprepared for his national stage. When he finally got around to asking substantive questions, he didn't know what kind of answers to expect, and he was occasionally surprised by substantive answers that ran counter to the Republican narrative.

For example: After Castor had regained his balance by walking Kent through a review of corruption in Ukraine and by Burisma in particular:

Castor: Okay. And right around that time, Burisma starts adding officials to its board, is that correct?

Kent: My understanding is yes, that Mykola Zlochevsky invited a series of new individuals to join the board in 2014.

Castor: And do you know what his strategy was in adding officials to the board?

Kent: I have never met Mister Zlochevsky.

Castor: Okay. And who are some of the folks he added to the board?

Kent: The most prominent person he added to the board was the former President of Poland, Aleksander Kwasniewski.

Castor: And anyone else?

Kent: There were a number of others, including some Americans, and the most prominent one in this context is Hunter Biden.

Castor: Okay. So Hunter Biden's added to the board of Burisma. Now, do you think that creates a problem that Burisma may be adding people to the board for protection purposes?

Kent: Sir, I work for the government. I don't work in the corporate sector, and so I believe that companies build their boards with a variety of reasons, not only to promote their business plans.

Castor: Was Hunter Biden a corporation governance expert?

Kent: I have no idea what Hunter Biden studied at university or what his CV says.

Castor: Like, is he the Jeffrey Sonnenfeld of the Ukraine?

Kent: I have no awareness or knowledge of what his background was and what he may have done on the board of Burisma.


And so on. Castor began asking similar questions of Ambassador Taylor, with similar results. The odd thing about this is that George Kent had raised the question about the possible appearance of impropriety when Hunter Biden joined the board of Burisma while his father was vice president. It looked to me as though Castor was trying to get Kent to say that, but was too incompetent to ask questions that would give Kent an opportunity to say that.

Furthermore, Castor ended up asking questions that allowed Kent to shoot down Republican talking points:

Castor: And did the State Department ever express any concerns to the Vice-President's office that the Vice-President's role at the time in engaging on Ukraine presented any issues?

Kent: No. The Vice-President's role was critically important. It was top cover to help us pursue our policy agenda.

Castor: Okay. But given Hunter Biden's role on Burisma's board of directors, at some point you testified in your deposition that you expressed some concern to the Vice-President's office. Is that correct?

Kent: That is correct.

Castor: And what did they do about that concern that you expressed?

Kent: I have no idea. I reported my concern to the office of the Vice-President.

Castor: Okay. And that was the end of it? Nobody...

Kent: Sir, you would have to ask people who worked in the office of the Vice-President during 2015.

Castor: But after you expressed the concern of a perceived conflict of interest in the least, the Vice-President's engagement in Ukraine didn't decrease, did it?

Kent: Correct, because the Vice-President was promoting US policy objectives in Ukraine.


Castor's performance was so poor that at least some Republicans are rumored to want to give the job of questioning witnesses in these public sessions to a different lawyer as the hearings proceed.

Each member of the committee was then given five minutes for questioning. Most of their questions were relatively uninteresting.

Dr Wenstrup (R) and several others made the point that Obama had not given lethal weaponry to the Ukrainians, whereas Trump had done so.

Jackie Speier (D) pointed out that the witnesses had given their notes and other documents to the State Department, but the State Department had not yet delivered any of those documents to the committee.

Jim Himes (D) asked George Kent to describe in some detail what a serious anti-corruption effort would look like, setting up this exchange:

Himes: So what I'm hearing here, Mister Kent, is a very comprehensive effort. So let me read you President Trump's own words to the Ukrainian President in the July 25th phone call. And I quote: "There's a lot of talk about Biden's son that Biden stopped the prosecution and a lot of people want to find out about that. So whatever you can do with the Attorney General would be great. Biden went around bragging that he stopped the prosecution. So if you can look into it, it sounds horrible to me." Mister Kent, when you hear those words, do you hear the President participating in or requesting a thoughtful and well-calibrated program?

Kent: I do not.


Himes then quoted Senator Rand Paul's claim that "They're impeaching the President Trump for exactly the same thing that Joe Biden did" when Biden encouraged the Ukrainians to remove a corrupt prosecutor (Shokin), and asked Kent whether those were in fact the same things.

Kent: I do not think they are the same things. [....]

Himes: So Joe Biden was participating in an open effort, established whole of government effort to address corruption in Ukraine?

Kent: That is correct.


Perhaps the best sound bite of the entire proceeding came after Kent confirmed his support for extending Ambassador Yovanovitch:

Andre Carson (D): Now some in Ukraine probably disliked her efforts to help Ukraine root out corruption. Is that correct?

Kent: As I mentioned in my testimony, you can't promote anti-corruption action without pissing off corrupt people.

Carson: Fair enough. Now, some of those people helped Giuliani smear her, did they not?

Kent: They did.

Carson: Ultimately that smear campaign pushed President Trump to remove her, correct, sir?

Kent: I cannot judge that. What I can say is that Rudy Giuliani's smear campaign was ubiquitous in the spring of 2019 on Fox News and on the Internet and Twittersphere.

Carson: So Ambassador Taylor and Mister Kent, in all of your combined decades at the State Department, have you ever before seen an instance where an ambassador was forced out by the president following a smear campaign of disinformation orchestrated by the president's allies?

Kent: I have not.

Taylor: Nor I.


Michael Turner (R) and others made the point that neither Kent nor Taylor had ever communicated directly with President Trump. That is likely to become one of the Republicans' major arguments, that all of the evidence is hearsay. It will be interesting to see how that argument fares against the phone call between Trump and Sondland that was overheard by Taylor's aide and of course the call between Trump and Zelensky whose summary was released by the White House in late September.

Republicans John Ratcliffe and Jim Jordan are loyalists in the mold of Devin Nunes, but somewhat more intelligent. Ratcliffe ended his time as follows:

Ratcliffe (R): In this impeachment hearing today where we impeach presidents for treason or bribery or other high crimes, where is the impeachable offense in that call? Are either of you here today to assert there was an impeachable offense in that call? Shout it out. Anyone?

Taylor: Mister Ratcliffe, if I can just respond. Let me just reiterate that I'm not here...

Ratcliffe: I've got one minute left. [The clock actually read 47 seconds left.]

Taylor: I know you've only got a minute left.

Ratcliffe: Let me just make this point.

Schiff (chair): You asked the witness a question.

Ratcliffe: I withdraw the question. Let me just make this point...

Taylor: I'm not here to take one side or the other, that's your...

Ratcliffe: Let me ask this question.

Schiff: The gentleman will suspend.

Ratcliffe: Suspend the time please.

Schiff: Ambassador Taylor, would you like to answer the question?

Ratcliffe: Suspend the time please. I withdrew the question.

Schiff: The gentleman will suspend. We will suspend the clock.

Ratcliffe: Suspend the clock to one minute please.

Schiff: Ambassador Taylor, would you like to respond to the question?

Taylor: Mister Ratcliffe, I would just like to say that I am not here to do anything having to do with having to decide about impeachment. That is not what either of us are here to do. This is your job. Thank you, gentlemen.

Ratcliffe: Will you restore time to the clock to one minute?

Schiff: No, but you may continue with 22 seconds.


Republicans weren't the only members of the committee who invited Kent and Taylor to express inappropriate opinions or to answer questions on matters of which they could have no knowledge. Joaquin Castro (D) made the same mistake, but recovered with this exchange:

Castro (D): So, ambassadors, is attempted murder a crime? Is attempted murder a crime?

Taylor: [smiling at the absurdity] Attempted murder is a crime.

Castro: Is attempted robbery a crime?

Taylor: Neither of us is a lawyer, but I...

Castro: I think anybody in this room could answer that question.

Taylor: I think that's right, and I'll go out on a limb and say it is.

Castro: Is attempted extortion and bribery a crime?

Taylor: I don't know, sir.


Val Demings, a Democrat representing Florida's 10th Congressional District, and a former chief of police, made good use of her time.

Demings (D): Was Mister Giuliani promoting US national interests or policy in Ukraine, Ambassador?

Taylor: I don't think so, ma'am.

Demings: Mister Kent?

Kent: No, he was not.

Demings: What interests do you believe he was promoting, Mister Kent?

Kent: I believe he was looking to dig up political dirt against a potential rival in the next election cycle.

Demings: Ambassador Taylor? What interests do you believe he was promoting?

Taylor: I agree with Mister Kent.


Democrat Patrick Maloney started out folksy, but was effective as well:

Maloney (D): What was your class rank at West Point, sir?

Taylor: I was number five.

[....]

Maloney: So when you're top 1% of your class at West Point, you probably get your pick of assignments, but you picked the infantry, didn't you, sir?

Taylor: I did, sir. Yes, sir.

Maloney: You were a rifle company commander?

Taylor: Sir.

[....]

Maloney: Now, he's the National Security Advisor, works directly with the president, but he tells you that you should bring it up with the Secretary of State.

Taylor: Yes, sir.

Maloney: Have you ever sent a cable like that. How many times in your career of 40, 50 years have you sent a cable directly to the Secretary of State?

Taylor: Once.

Maloney: This time?

Taylor: Yes, sir.

Maloney: In fifty years?

Taylor: Rifle company commanders don't send cables, but yes, sir.


Republican Chris Stewart, in the process of stumbling around and inviting the witnesses to agree with Republican talking points, finally came up with a real question:

Stewart (R): If someone was a candidate for a political office, even for President of the United States, should they be immune from investigation?

Kent: No one is above the law, sir.

Stewart: Thank you. I agree with that. I think we would all agree with that.


Stewart's irony meter must have been broken. He then showed himself to be as unprepared as Castor:

Stewart: Are you surprised that there would be questions about corruption in the Ukraine and that it would be discussed withholding some of this aid that's actually required by law that it be withheld if they can't certify that corruption has been eliminated or is being addressed?

Taylor (I think): They did certify it.

Kent: The certification in that case is done by the Secretary of Defense upon advice of his staff, in consultation with the interagency community. We were fully supportive of that conditionality, and the Secretary of Defense had already certified that that conditionality had been met.


Stewart was followed by Jim Jordan, the attack dog who recently joined the committee to give the Republicans more juice. Jordan pointed out that aid was ultimately released before the Ukrainians were aware that it had been suspended, so there could not possibly have been any quid quo pro. Ambassador Taylor pushed back on this by citing Sondland's "mistake", but Jordan's manner of questioning made it hard for Taylor to complete his statements until Jordan's time had expired.

Most of the other questioning was redundant with that cited above.

In return for the five and a half hours I spent watching that hearing, I learned at least three things.

Kyiv is pronounced "Keev" by Ukrainians, in conscious opposition to the Russian pronunciation of "Kiev" that many of us learned from Mussorgsky's Pictures at an Exhibition.

George Kent and William Taylor appeared to have been the most intelligent people in the room. Their scrupulous non-partisanship and commitment to facts distinguished them as well.

Although I am tempted to conclude that most of the least intelligent people in the room were Republicans, and I yield to that temptation with respect to Devin Nunes, I recognize that Republicans were working at a disadvantage. President Trump has asked them to argue that his phone call of 25 July was "perfect", as the rest of his behavior as president has been, and it's just not possible to make that argument without looking silly.
 
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So the Republicans have landed on

"He didn't do it, but it's not big deal because everyone does, but it was a big deal when the other side did it, no it doesn't matter that the other side didn't do, wash, rinse, repeat."
 
That's just such a huge leap of wild speculation with no even shoddy evidence, I have trouble even taking this seriously as a conspiracy theory.

I suppose the "Ukranian motive" implicit in hacking the DNC server is just so made up and unnecessary that this doesn't seem like, good, wholesome, honest conspiracy theorizing like I'm used to. LOL Nobody really believes this. It's just low-quality political lies and bull **** designed for morons. And I really haven't encountered anyone anywhere who believes it.

I guess it's also weird that that's competing with their old DNC server conspiracy theory, that Seth Rich leaked the info and the DeepState murdered him for it. (Or alternately, Russian oligarchs had him murdered to make the DNC look bad, or whatever it was Donna Brazille was speculating there for a while.)


Perhaps I am misunderstanding something here.

Are you saying that I am undertaking "a huge leap of wild speculation with no even shoddy evidence" in saying that this is what the CT claims, or are you agreeing with me that the the CT is a "a huge leap of wild speculation with no even shoddy evidence"?
 
Bummer, he should have had his boss keep him in the loop a bit more since we have a massive stockpile of evidence that they actually were linked. It must be tough that this guy is so out of touch with the goings on of his own country.

I'd be a little kinder than that plague311

Of course he is gong to say that. Like every other intelligent person on the planet, he has seen how petty and vindictive Trump is when people disagree with him. He wants to make sure nothing gets in the way of the desperately needed aid and military support Ukraine needs.
 
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