Henri McPhee
Illuminator
The Luftwaffe were expecting a short war and Churchill with his lack of appeasement, and with the support of the too slow Gloster Gladiators in the RAF, was expecting it to be all over by Christmas. They were both wrong.
The Luftwaffe were expecting a short war and Churchill with his lack of appeasement, and with the support of the too slow Gloster Gladiators in the RAF, was expecting it to be all over by Christmas. They were both wrong.
The Luftwaffe were expecting a short war and Churchill with his lack of appeasement, and with the support of the too slow Gloster Gladiators in the RAF, was expecting it to be all over by Christmas. They were both wrong.
The Luftwaffe were expecting a short war and Churchill with his lack of appeasement, and with the support of the too slow Gloster Gladiators in the RAF, was expecting it to be all over by Christmas. They were both wrong.
The Luftwaffe were expecting a short war and Churchill with his lack of appeasement, and with the support of the too slow Gloster Gladiators in the RAF, was expecting it to be all over by Christmas. They were both wrong.
It was someone no less than Winston Churchill who, at the time of the outbreak of the Korean War in 1950, declared in Parliament: “Appeasement in itself may be good or bad according to the circumstances. Appeasement from weakness and fear is alike futile and fatal. Appeasement from strength is magnanimous and noble, and might be the surest and perhaps the only path to world peace.”
There is an article about appeasement by an academic historian which may be too academic for this forum and not quite true at:
https://www.tandfonline.com/doi/full/10.1080/09592290802344962
It has from time to time been suggested that the incidence of the appeasement/Munich analogy will decline as the generation of public figures with some experience or memory of the period passed from the scene.
That prediction appears increasingly untenable. Moreover, contrary to the view once expressed by this writer that the appeasement debate was over, or that it is “an ongoing one and historians change their minds,” or to argue that there have been “too many mystifications” by historians, it is abundantly clear that “appeasement studies” have a bright future.
Did you even read the article Henri?
Did you even read the article Henri?
Time and again politicians, diplomats and commentators have focused on the 1930s to argue that effective deterrence and resistance at an early stage obviates the need for armed resistance later. Their rhetoric is consistent: appeasement simply will not do. In the run up to the Gulf War that opened on 1 January 1991, for example, then President George H. W. Bush declared: “If history teaches us anything, it is that we must resist aggression or it will destroy our freedoms. Appeasement does not work. As was seen in the 1930s, we see in Saddam Hussein an aggressive dictator threatening his neighbours.” 1
1. The Times, 9 August 1990. It was reported at the time that Bush was reading Martin Gilbert, The Second World War (London, 1989) and cited Winston Churchill's view that the second world war could have been averted had Hitler's re-occupation of the Rhineland been resisted in 1936. Time, 7 January 1991, p. 21.
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On 28 February 2003, on the eve of the invasion of Iraq, British Prime Minister Tony Blair declared that “The lesson we learnt [in the 1930s] was that if, confronted by a threat, we back away because we assume that our good and peaceful intentions are matched by those threatening us, the threat only grows and at a later time has to be confronted again, but in far more deadly and dangerous form.” 2
2. The Times, 1 March 2003.
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Speaking to the Israeli Knesset on 15 May 2008, President George W. Bush derided “the false comfort of appeasement, which has been repeatedly discredited by history.” 3
3. View all notes
If the lessons for politicians seemed straightforward enough, why have historians had so much trouble with the study of appeasement? If historians have it right, then why have the lessons of history been so ignored by practitioners? If historians have it wrong, or cannot come to any consensus, as the historiography of appeasement suggested for many decades, then can public policy be faulted for clinging to the enduring legacy?
I don't entirely agree with what he wrote about Chamberlain. I would have done exactly the same as Chamberlain if I was in his shoes, except that I would not have cut the unemployment dole in the early 1930s. I have always been under the impression that the Suez crisis was 1956 though I suppose it was late 1956 and the effects were felt in 1957, as he writes. America, or Eisenhower, threatened sanctions, and the Russians were threatening rockets thanks to the Edenites.
This bit makes sense to me:
Eden was opposed to appeasement before the second world war, and Eden caused the Suez fiasco in 1956, if not a government in exile in Canada. There was petrol rationing in 1957 and it was not good for British made products, or confidence.
The United Nations must provide the will, and the major powers the force, to blanket violence in that most violent corner of the world.
Did he get stupid after he died?
You are missing the point Henri; we aren't disputing the assertion that Churchill wasn't a strategic genius. We are pointing out that this assessment is hardly novel.
The bits about the state of the German forces at Kursk is different. We do disagree with that.
Similarly, we also disagree that Chamberlain had any useful knowledge of the German plans for the invasion of Russia due to him being dead when the planning started.
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I still maintain that Chamberlain and Halifax were fully aware that Hitler intended to invade Russia. Hitler mentioned it in his Mein Kampf book in the 1920s, and our secret service knew about it from 1934. Chamberlain's strategy of giving Britain another year to get organised for the Battle of Britain, and prepared for war was right judgment by him. Chamberlain's piece of paper about the Czechs, which keeps coming under so much criticism, was just diplomatic language, a bit like Tony Blair's empty waffle nowadays.
The Luftwaffe were expecting a short war and Churchill with his lack of appeasement, and with the support of the too slow Gloster Gladiators in the RAF, was expecting it to be all over by Christmas. They were both wrong.
Funny you should say that:
Chamberlain was pretty negligent once he was dead.
I don't want to march on Moscow. That's thuggery. It's a monstrous and dangerous policy. Oh for the days when diplomacy happened with the Chamberlains before the war, and there was a bit of subtlety.