a_unique_person
Director of Hatcheries and Conditioning
http://www.theage.com.au/news/opini...e-war-on-terror/2005/07/10/1120934123814.html
Manny's repeated assertions to go and kill all of Al Qaeda worry me as being too simplistic. Here, a moderate Muslim gives his take on why he thinks such an approach is conterproductive.
As he says "Both sides have resorted to extremism, each reinforcing the position of the other."".
Manny's repeated assertions to go and kill all of Al Qaeda worry me as being too simplistic. Here, a moderate Muslim gives his take on why he thinks such an approach is conterproductive.
As he says "Both sides have resorted to extremism, each reinforcing the position of the other."".
Actions such as the war on Iraq have alienated many ordinary Muslims.
The terrorist carnage in London has once again put the spotlight on al-Qaeda as the most likely perpetrator. Prime Minister Tony Blair, President George Bush and their allies around the world have reaffirmed their determination to continue the war on terrorism until a final victory. Yet the London tragedy also reminds us that the war on terror has so far done little to seriously impair the operational capacity of al-Qaeda and its associated groups. How resilient is al-Qaeda and how inadequate has the war on terror been?
Al-Qaeda has certainly proved to be more self-generating and robust than could have been anticipated at the start of the war on terror more than three-and-a-half years ago. The organisation has become highly franchised and dispersed, capable of adapting to changing conditions and circumventing enemy tactics.
The fact that its top leaders, Osama bin Laden and his strategist deputy Aiman al-Zawahiri, have become fugitives seems to have made little difference. They continue to serve as significant symbols of inspiration to galvanise some Muslims to respond to their call.
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Although Muslims are very diverse, two clusters appear to have become increasingly receptive to al-Qaeda's causes, with a willingness to serve as the network's operatives and foot soldiers.
One cluster is made up of radical Islamists, who believe in Islam as an ideology of political and social transformation and the use of violence under special circumstances to achieve their objectives. They are not all narrowly educated and unworldly as has often been claimed. A good number of them have evidently come from well-educated and privileged backgrounds.
The other cluster is made up of neo-fundamentalists, who are very narrowly educated within a particular social and cultural setting as defined by certain conservative Islamic leaders. While a great deal of ideological overlap exists between the radical Islamists and neo-fundamentalists, the latter are far more inward-looking, discriminatory and xenophobic than the former. A prime example of this group was the Taliban, whose remnants are still active in Afghanistan. Elements of this group are recruited as al-Qaeda's foot soldiers, often at the behest of radical Islamists.
These two clusters constitute a small minority compared with moderate Islamists, who share part of the radicals' political platform but reject violence and are open to inter-faith dialogue, peaceful co-existence and good relations with the West. However, they can always draw on the political and social deprivation of Muslims, whether in Saudi Arabia, Egypt or Pakistan, and their disempowerment and humiliation at the hands of foreigners, whether in Palestine, Iraq or Afghanistan, to widen their circles of popular support and recruitment among ordinary Muslims everywhere.
Meanwhile, the way the US and its allies have sought to combat the radical Islamists and neo-fundamentalists has boosted Muslim support and sympathy for them.
The war on terror has so far focused primarily on the symptoms rather than the deep causes underpinning al-Qaeda's resilience. It has given primacy to the use of military force over identifying and addressing the root causes of al-Qaeda's terrorism in order to delegitimise its actions and dry up its sources of moral, human and economic nourishment.
It was a fatal mistake by the Bush Administration and its British and Australian allies to invade Iraq. Instead of concentrating on rapidly securing and rebuilding Afghanistan, resolving the Palestinian problem as a major source of Muslim discontent towards the US and working with democratic forces in the Muslim world to build democracy from within, they diverted their resources to creating a new theatre of conflict for none other than geopolitical ambitions.
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Unless Washington and its allies rethink their war on terror strategy to address the root causes of international terrorism, the future looks very grim. A sound political strategy is badly needed to deal with those causes of terrorism that defy military solutions and to rebuild bridges of understanding and trust with Muslims as the best way to delegitimise the position of al-Qaeda and its associated groups.