From the Economist:
http://www.randi.org/vbulletin/newthread.phpIn fact the unrest, which has been building up for some months, seems to have been triggered by the trials of 23 local businessmen in Andizhan. The men are accused of belonging to Akramiya, another illegal armed group, which is a splinter from Hizb ut-Tahrir. However, locals believe the charges were trumped up by officials, with the aim of seizing the businessmen’s property.
What began as peaceful demonstrations in support of the defendants early last week turned violent when, on Thursday night, armed men stormed the jail where the 23 businessmen were being held, letting out all the prisoners. Clashes then flared up between the security forces and the demonstrators, in which government buildings were seized and officials taken hostage. The army then moved into the town to crush the revolt.
There have been a number of violent incidents in Uzbekistan in recent years, and Mr Karimov has usually held Islamist groups responsible. In 1999, bombs in the capital, Tashkent, killed at least 12 people. Last year, troops stormed a suspected militant hideout, killing up to 23 people. Islamist radicals are indeed active in the country, especially in the Ferghana Valley—the volatile region in which Andizhan is situated. But not all the unrest can be blamed on them. Last year, there were big protests over draconian new laws to regulate market traders. In March, hundreds of farmers whose land had been confiscated stormed government buildings in Jizzakh province. Earlier this month, another group of farmers who had lost their land, from Kashkadarya province, set up a “tent city†near the American embassy in Tashkent.
While playing up the Islamist threat, Mr Karimov has ignored the fact that much of the country’s unrest is due to poor living standards. The government says its confiscation of farm land is justified by the farmers’ failure to pay their debts. But this is due to the regime’s agriculture policies, under which farmers have to buy all their supplies from the state and receive well below market prices for their produce. Economic conditions across the country seem to have deteriorated to the extent that people are now willing to risk defying the notoriously brutal Uzbek security services.
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Uzbekistan’s protesters would seem to stand little chance against Mr Karimov’s security forces, who have shown they will stop at nothing to crush dissent. Furthermore, no popular, reformist figure like Georgia’s Mikhail Saakashvili or Ukraine’s Victor Yushchenko has yet emerged for the Uzbek opposition to rally around. Nevertheless, the anti-government protests in Georgia, Ukraine and then Kirgizstan all eventually prevailed, despite initial expectations that regime change was unlikely.
So will Mr Karimov be the next strongman in the region to fall? Certainly it is notable that protesters are increasingly focusing their discontent on the president himself, and demanding his resignation, instead of blaming local officials. Pressure within the regime for a change of leader is likely to grow, particularly if vested interests in the political hierarchy start doubting Mr Karimov’s ability to guarantee their privileges.