I will have to take this up again at a later date. At present I will answer your direct question on the "resettlement" theory before i have to leave off. Hence:
No, with qualifications, because the evidence accessed may not be exhaustive. For example, you speak of "region after region", where "all regions" is required.
I asked firstly specifically about the Ostland. This consisted of four districts, Generalbezirke Estland, Lettland, Litauen and Weissruthenien. In mid-1943 the Ostministerium who had full responsibility for the Ostland stated there were 72,000 Jews left in the Ostland.
It is not difficult to ascertain that the paper trail for both the Ostland as well as the four districts is very extensive, and that all references to Jews in 1943 fit in with the 72,000 figure.
The situation is worse still for the Reichskommissariat Ukraine, since Hitler himself stated in mid-1943 that "the Jews were gone" from the Ukraine, something corroborated by reports from Generalbezirke reporting 'Fehlanzeige' or 'faellt weg' for the Jewish question. There simply were no Jews left in Reichskommissariat Ukraine by 1942, because the Jews registered there in early 1942 had been murdered by late 1942.
My thinking here is (a) the Korherr report figures for deportations up to 1943 are accurate; (b) the extermination camp interpretation is physically impossible; (c) no-one really believes it or they would have done commensurate forensic studies in the intervening 68 years. Hence the Jews must have been deported East, as the German documentation claims (indeed even the "damning" Goebbels diary entry says so).
Your thinking isn't historical, as it is nothing more than a deduction, contradicted by the absence of any evidence to support the deduction. Premise (b) is also disputed; at the very least an honest person would revisit premise (b) once they realised that the conclusion - resettlement to the east - was not substantiated by any meaningful evidence.
As you say, this must have produced documentary evidence, as we are dealing with basically literate societies run by bureaucracies dealing with people with little or no means of livelihood. To establish some reasonable expectations, we might start by considering similar deportations.
For example, what records did the deportation of the Krajina Serbs in the 1990s produce, or the fleeing of Jews from Belgium and the Netherlands to France in 1940, or the expulsion of the Ugandan Asians to the UK in the 1970s? In the case of the Ugandan Asians, there were initial estimates of the numbers sent, but less track was kept thereafter as they merged into the general population and decisions on housing were devolved onto local authorities. In the French case, we find that that many Jews were not included in estimates of French Jewry after the war (so Rassinier, who noted that numbers were only of established congregations, but found information to identify the approximate numbers). These are three cases of deportation on state authority to another established state, but this is not the case here where an occupied territory is involved.
To take a partly similar example of a population movement, you could not calculate the number of illegal immigrants to the UK by looking at DSS figures, as immigrants would not qualify for benefits. Here again, there is a regular state authority in the receiving area and a probably large population movement. I agree the comparison is not exact, but the principle of not recording data outside externally given responsibilities is relevant.
It is also relevant that the receiving authorities in European Russia would be dealing with a large number of migrants arriving over a period of two years in the context of other population flows (people fleeing East to avoid the Germans to being sent East as labour in the Urals factories). Not having an anti-semitic agenda, they would have had no reason to identify arrivals as Jews.
Not one of these situations is at all similar or comparable, but all of them will have generated substantial documentary evidence no matter whether those engaged in expulsions kept copious records or not and no matter whether the migration was voluntary or not. When people are expelled there should be some indicators at the departure point as well as at the arrival point. You seem grossly ignorant of the literature on population migrations and population transfers, which are obviously boom areas of study for the 20th and 21st Centuries.
Comparisons with illegal immigation are spurious, since we're not talking about individual migration but mass collective deportation. But even illegal immigration generates records and evidence, from police arrest reports to surveys by various local, regional and national authorities who can document the scale of such a voluntary migration.
The documentary evidence for deportations of Jews, which you apparently accept, has Jews ordered onto trains which then stop at specific known sites, such as Auschwitz and Treblinka. This was a very organised and directed
forced population transfer. The conventional understanding of the end result is of course, a combination of death and enslavement, with the slaves being overwhelmingly employed in the Auschwitz complex under SS control, and much smaller numbers transferred from Sobibor/Treblinka to nearby labour camps under SS control, with none transferred from Belzec or Chelmno. The retention of labourers left documentary traces, of course, as did the extermination.
Leaving aside the conventional understanding, every single population transfer conducted by the Nazis has left a substantial trace in the documentary record, because these mass transfers necessarily involved a considerable logistical effort. Evacuees, deportees and forced labourers have to be housed, fed and put to work. They have to be subjected to some kind of police oversight whichever region they were sent to. A very significant number had to be guarded since the majority were
forced population transfers.
The same remarks could be made about Soviet forced population transfers in the same era; these too left substantial paper trails and show that there are common patterns of organising these things. One might add that there is also comparable evidence from the 1940s regarding the Allied handling of population movements, from Displaced Persons to repatriation commissions to the reception of the millions of ethnic Germans expelled from Eastern Europe.
Migrations leave historical traces, ie documents, even when they are voluntary. The fantasy "resettlement thesis" has left zero documentary traces.
You have not established that there are the only two possible hypotheses. Were there no residual local authorities in the occupied territories or amongst the deportees themselves?
Those hypotheses can be ruled out entirely, since the local Estonian/Latvian/Lithuanian/Belorussian authorities were under Nazi oversight, while every district had a Gebietskommissar with a staff along with other Nazi agencies present.
Since the Ostland received 60,000 Jews from the Reich, then we find a big fat paper trail from all the relevant agencies - civilian, military, SS etc - documenting their reactions to the transfers, which were often very negative since they didn't want Jews there at all. The notion that the Nazis would dump Jews onto local collaborator authorities or even allow a mini-Birobidzian without leaving so much as a single trace in all of the documents is
completely absurd.
An interesting reference here to "transfers of large numbers of Russian civilians" here!
This was the subject of a full third of my dissertation.
No individual researcher could read "all the files" of a modern society, which it takes an army of bureaucrats to produce. I agree that the resettlement theory needs to be developed, but of course the "normal science" of academia rules it out from the start, so who has the motive and resources to investigate it?
You've unsurprisingly missed the point, again. A small army of researchers has been over the records of the various agencies operating in Nazi-occupied Soviet territory. Historical research is not conducted individually but collectively - the works are rarely co-authored but through the requirement to keep abreast of the literature as well as conferences the endeavour is a collective one.
Whereas 25 years ago the field of researchers into the Nazi occupation of the Soviet Union was a small one, following the end of the Cold War it is utterly enormous. Every single nation state that emerged from the dissolution of the Soviet Union has an active research community, while the number of German historians who have looked at these regions in the past 25 years is staggering; there are also a substantial number of Anglo-American researchers, including myself.
Thus, we are talking about several hundred historians who have been examining the same core files and digging deeper and deeper into local records, for every region of the occupied territories. These historians are of course researching in an era where there is increased attention to the Holocaust, so the chance to discover that even 50,000 Jews ended up transferred by some route to a specific district would be seized on with all alacrity. The existing literature shows that where such transfers did take place, as for example when the Romanians expelled Jews from Transnistria into the Vinnitsa and Zhitomir districts, historians writing about those regions discuss them. The same can obviously be said for all historians of Estonia, Latvia, Lithuania and Belorussia examining the fate of the 60,000 Reich Jews sent to those regions.
If you try and clutch at straws and assert that hundreds of historians would all share the same collective blindness, this would be a pure desperation move, but it would also be risible, as we are not so homogeneous that we could possibly all be in thrall to a consensus we are busily trying to challenge and revise in order to make a mark and get ourselves noticed. The very nature of the academic profession and its reward mechanisms make it utterly improbable that there could ever be an unconscious conspiracy to overlook something that would have to be screamingly obvious. After nearly 25 years of detailed research in the new era, it would be quite incredible to assert such a thing.
And take it from me, there isn't a conscious conspiracy to suppress the evidence. If you don't believe me, schedule about a year in Washington, DC and start going through the microfilms in NARA. That would be the easiest and quickest way to go through the most relevant files.
My own research into this subject surveyed an entire army group region, one of the six areas in the occupied Soviet territories. Because of transfers from the military zone to the Ostland, I also got to grips with the records of GK Weissruthenien as well as GK Lettland, GK Litauen and the RK Ostland itself. The records I used included supra-regional institutions such as the Wirtschaftsstab Ost and Ostministerium, along with various other OKW and OKH files. They then went down through army group to army and corps/division level for both the rear areas as well as frontline zones. Because of the questions I was asking I looked systematically at the entire economics apparatus, the quartermaster apparatus, the intelligence branch and the SS, and also looked at several other agencies.
These sources, which run to 1000s of files and microfilms - I have genuinely lost count of how many I examined - together amount to a very thorough dragnet of all the phenomena that emerged in that region between 1941 and 1944. Like a fishing net, if something happened that was very small-scale, then yes, I could have missed it. But not a phenomenon that would extend to 100s of 1000s of people.
Since these surviving records are actually quite continuous for the majority of the agencies concerned, there are no gaps in the reporting through which a hypothetical transfer could have descended on the Army Group Centre area. As we are also discussing a hypothetical population transfer that presumably went on for some time and would have presumably left large concentrations of deportees requiring reception, shelter, feeding and guarding, then the implications are even greater. Because if the various agencies did not report on them one month, then over the space of more than two years one would expect them to report on such a phenomenon at least once. Yet they did not.
There was a
housing shortage in this region due to war damage and garrisoning of German troops. There were continuous
food shortages. There were
problems in the labour market which the Army struggled to solve by impressing peasants into non-agricultural labour despite the resulting death spiral for agricultural production. There were shortages of policemen coupled with extensive partisan activity. All factors which were reproduced elsewhere in the occupied Soviet Union. All factors which would have been directly affected by the transfer of whatever portion of the 2 million deportees you care to nominate as reaching this area.
The density of records for the military zone is such that the same conclusion can be reached about the other three army group areas. And indeed, historians have been over those army group regions, usually with several historians examining the same regions from different angles, and thus, citing from the same major series of reports that other historians do.
It is simply absurd to claim that the Wirtschaftsstab Ost, who controlled the economy in both the civilian and military zones, could possibly have overlooked the mass transfer of 2 million Jews to the occupied eastern territories, given the kind of impact such a mass transfer would have to have had. Yet the WiStab Ost reports are
continuous - monthly and quarterly and yearly summaries, war diaries and daily activity logs for the chief of the staff and for department heads -
throughout the occupation. Since a population transfer on this scale necessarily would impact on he agriculture and labour departments, then the absence of any reference whatsoever to this mass transfer is quite conclusive.
The same exercise can be repeated for all of the non-economic staffs, offering multiple perspectives. Moving this many people is bound to be noticed by someone, and written about. It would have to be written about simply because of the issues it would have created.
You are talking about a number greater than the entire population of Latvia both at this time and today. By the end of 1942 more than 1.5 million Jews had been deported to the extermination camps. That many people would literally have swamped any territory you care to nominate in the occupied eastern territories. Since the deportees were not farmers and had no means of subsistence, they were either left to fend for themselves, or someone fed them.
As it is completely absurd to claim that the Nazis simply let loose 1.5 million of their most hated enemies in the rear areas of their most important front, then your two options - the only two options - are that the Nazis fed them or corralled them in reservations, ghettos or camps. The numbers equate to three full-sized Warsaw ghettos or 30 Belsens.
The more you disperse the deportees, then the greater the expectation that we'd find some documentary evidence. The more you concentrate the deportees, the greater the certainty that they all starved to death.
There is
not one trace in the paper trail for the food supply about feeding the 1.5 million deportees by the end of 1942, rising by another half a million or so by the end of 1943, and rising possibly further in 1944 (before you run out of eastern territories as they were liberated, so the Hungarians cause you extreme problems).
Therefore, your fantasy resettlement thesis necessarily and unavoidably means that the Nazis starved the deportees and thus, we would not expect a single survivor of this total non-feeding after even half a year, since human physiology cannot hold out that long without food.
You cannot even tell us whether the Nazis used 3 Warsaw ghettos, 30 Belsens or 300 smaller camps, or took the same numbers and carved out reservations with some territory for possibly growing food, the catch being that any fields or gardens would not produce any food for months on end, thus causing the same total starvation that would be seen in a smaller space. There is not one trace, I repeat, of any food being allotted for the 1.5 million deportees in 1942. Neither emergency relief nor long term ration planning show up anywhere in any economic staff's records.
This is because there simply wasn't a surplus available, and there were enough shortfalls that many existing inhabitants of various regions
starved to death. This was especially the case in the larger cities of Ukraine as well as in central Russia. There were drastic shortfalls for all towns and cities in eastern Belorussia.
Under such circumstances, an actual deportation of the Jews to the occupied Soviet territories would have generated between 3 and 5 Warsaw ghettos, 30 to 50 Belsens or 300-500 smaller camps each of which would have been just as much of a hell-hole and
even more lethal than the very famous equivalents.
And the Soviets would presumably have started liberating these 3 to 5 Warsaw ghettos, 30 to 50 Belsens or 300-500 smaller camps by the end of 1943 at the latest. So you're telling us the Soviets would have covered that up? They would have delayed gratification and waited a whole year to invent a totally different story
with the same outcome, mass death?
Just
one Belsen shocked the world in 1945, arguably even more than the reports about mass extermination in the death camps. And you would have the whole world miss 30 to 50 of them...