From the article:
"The literal language used in the Constitution focuses on the right to bear arms within the context of — if, arguably, not solely limited by — the security needs of our nation."
Not exactly.
The Constitution is primarily about the relationship between the states and the federal government. A "nation" arguably did not exist, though it was said the Articles of Confederation created a "nation of nations." James Madison, one of the main architects of the Constitution,
wanted to foster a national identity, mainly by creating a stronger central/federal government. Still, people found their state identity more meaningful than a national identity. In other words, some people Virginians before they were Americans -- if they even had a concept of being "American."
The country has since evolved culturally. An example of someone who consciously identifies with his state before country is BobTheCoward, which gives some idea of how out of touch and alien that view has been (especially out west).
Modern conservatives and liberals like to imagine the Constitution was created to protect sacred individual liberty, but this is mostly nonsense (ask any African-American). People also speak breathlessly about the sacred Bill of Rights, but these were amendments added later -- not part of the core product. More obvious and essential freedoms were written directly into the Constitution (writ of habeas corpus, prohibition of ex post facto laws and bills of attainder). The
states were seen as guardians of liberty -- and under threat by a strong central government. Under the AoC, the federal government could not directly draft soldiers or impose taxes, which led to collective problems, compelling Madison and others for creating a stronger central government.
One of the compromises for ratification was passing "a Bill of Rights," initially opposed by Madison. Many state constitutions had included such rights, and Madison finally warmed to the idea, in part because it was popular and would give Congress a measure of credibility. The Bill of Rights were originally intended as restrictions on the federal government. Regarding the First Amendment, for example, "Congress shall make no law..." establishing a national church. State governments still had the authority to create official churches, and a couple of them did, a fact fondly recalled by people like Clarence Thomas.
Again, the country has since changed, especially with an obscure extra-Constitutional event known as the Civil War, which chartered a more national government -- one of the people, by the people, and for the people. There were hiccups when it came to establishing a national character (see for instance the Corrupt Bargain of 1876, which effectively ended Reconstruction).
A national orientation started gathering again in subtle ways. The courts would begin to "incorporate" parts of the Bill of Rights (i.e., applying the first ten amendments to the states via the 14th Amendment, which would prohibit state authorities from establishing churches, restricting speech and so on).
And with a little of this historical background out of the way, we can finally get to the Second Amendment. The most overlooked clause is the "necessary security of a Free State." Again, the historical context of the Constitution is about distributing power between the states and central government. Some people, such as antifederalists like "Brutus," feared the central government would "swallow" up state governments, so they wanted assurances. One of those safeguards was allowing states to raise their own militias. These could be "well-regulated" -- meaning, well-equipped and well-trained.
There are a couple of rich, ironies in contemporary politics. Nowadays, the so-called supporters of the Second Amendment, people who tend to have an "originalist" view of the Constitution, will not hesitate to use the power of the federal government to overturn state and local gun laws. Richard Posner, a pro-gun libertarian/conservative judge and scholar has said Scalia's
Heller opinion is more of a snow job.
https://newrepublic.com/article/62124/defense-looseness