As I referenced it was stated in the court case (apparently by Stefanoni) she was limited in testing by financial issues. Of course if one works in a large bureaucracy one realises that the whole issue is whose budget the costs come out of. I have always believed that the police may not have the budget to record and transcribe all interviews but the prosecutor has the budget to pay for an expensive video. Whilst the scientific police do not have the budget to do mitochondrial DNA or fibre analysis. Different budgets.
Ah but the police DID have the budget to tap Knox's and Sollecito's mobile phones, and to record (apparently) some
30,000 phone calls! Those calls would have needed listening to, and a fair portion of them would have been transcribed.
In addition, of course, we need to remember that this was one of the highest-profile police cases in Perugia's modern history. It was a serious murder, and the country and the World were watching closely. The investigating police simply
had to realise that they were under intense scrutiny to do a gold-standard job on this case. I could accept if budgetary restraints meant that some witness statements in (say) household burglaries were not recorded/transcribed. But I simply refuse to believe that there wouldn't have been money in the coffers for this specific case (the Kercher murder).
It simply doesn't add up one bit. Knowing what I think I do about how the police operate in Italy (reinforced by that interesting European Bar Association report on Italian skullduggery that I've quoted here many times before), I
strongly suspect that something along the following lines happened:
1) The police (and PM) know that self-incriminating statements made by a person prior to arrest and formal declaration as a suspect cannot be used against them.
2) They also know that once a person is arrested and formally declared a suspect, there is an obligation to get that person a lawyer. Any half-decent lawyer will tell the person not to make any more incriminating or self-incriminating statements.
3) A well-choreographed scheme is therefore put in place to deal with a person whom the police and PM suspect of a crime. Firstly, the person is "persuaded" in a police interview (prior, of course, to being formally declared a suspect) to confess to the crime. Since underhand and unlawful methods are usually used in this phase of the scheme, the interrogation is either not recorded at all (which is what I think happened in this case), or the recording is carefully "lost".
4) The PM is then called in. It's very useful if this phase takes place in the middle of the night: it's pretty easy to persuade people not to call out lawyers in the middle of the night, and that they'll have to wait until the next day to get a lawyer.
5) The next phase is the critical one. The PM elicits a "spontaneous declaration" from the person, who's now officially declared a suspect. The ruse is along the lines of
"Would you like to tell me what you've just told the police, so that I can understand your position? You've already said all this to the police, so it will help you and me if you can now repeat it to me." It's critical because the PM knows that a "spontaneous declaration" from a person declared a suspect
can be used against that person in court.
6) The suspect, perhaps taken in by the seemingly-kind demeanour of the PM, readily agrees to repeat the confession. If the PM is sufficiently artful, (s)he can claim that this did not take the form of actual questioning of the suspect by the PM (which would be unlawful), but that rather the suspect simply voluntarily decided to tell everything to the PM.
7) Et voila! The PM ends up with a useable "spontaneous declaration" from the suspect which contains the full confession!
I strongly believe that this is exactly what happened to Knox on the 5th/6th November 2007. I think that the police and Mignini knew
exactly what they were doing, and what their end goal was. And they partially got away with it.